By Jaafar M Sh Jama Oct 07, 2015
Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar called for the dissolution of the Somali state at small gathering of northern Somali migrant workers and refugees at Brunel University in London on 17 July 2015. He was reinforcing a decision that was made by the central committee of the Somali National Movement on 18 May 1991. The movement to secede from Southern Somalia represented the political interests of the Isak tribe, and acquiesced to other northern tribes.

The colonial boundary the tribe is reasserting was not of its own making; it served the political and economic interest of Britain 76 years ago. Twenty-one of the 76 years of British occupation were consumed by war and internecine violence. In fact that period was so horrific that some people during the occupation were forced to eat the carcasses of animals. Many people remember this period as the era of eating filth. During the remaining 55 years, Britain exploited resources and gave land that they did not own to others. Now “Somaliland” finds that ugly and unpleasant history attractive because it serves the political and economic interest of the Isak tribe.

For 24 years, the tribe has been seeking recognition based on this principle: Somaliland was a British “Protectorate” and subsequent Somali governments oppressed, alienated and destroyed them. Other tribes who share Somaliland with the Isak tribe blame the tribe—along with others—for the indiscriminate destruction of their communities; and the annihilation of the Somali state backed by the Marxist Ethiopian regime of 1988. The tribes did not sign up for dismemberment of the Somali state. They expected reconciliation and disarmament.

The Ethiopian regime has been seeking to dismantle the Somali state since its inception in 1960.
In fact, Mohamed Hashi Dhamac (Gaariye), the poet who trumped violence through poetry stated that when he and Mohamed Ibrahim Hadrawi defected to Ethiopia they were taken to the Ethiopian presidential palace to meet with Mengistu. When Mengistu came out to meet them, he looked fierce and spoke very harshly in Amharic. Gaariye said he became afraid and, not knowing the language, he thought that Mengistu had ordered them to be put them in jail. They breathed a sigh of relief when the interpreter said Mengistu explained that his government had been waiting for a Somali to defect and dismantle the Somali people for 100 years. It confirmed that it was a blessing to have the defectors come to Ethiopia.

Samatar’s Stance:
It is within these dark shadows that I reflect upon Samatar’s recent argument that going back to the colonial boundary would somehow resolve what ails the Somali people. Who would have thought an economist and political science professor would strike a Faustian accord with a tribal undertaking.

I recap the eight points he cited as reasons to secede from southern Somalia. From there I will highlight the weaknesses of his position.

  1. The first point he laid out is the historical alienation of the north from the political power sharing of the government. Northerners are alienated from the highest offices of the government. The country was not a shared place and continues beau geste allocations of positions to northerners. There is no point in being part of a place in which you have no sharing of power, influence, or decision-making ability.
  2. The union brought more damage to the north, which deserves to have its own independent country.
  3. Atrocities were committed against the north during the civil war of 1988-90, which decimated civilians and livestock; and caused massive displacement of the population.
  4. The north cannot remain on hold while the south continues the struggle to settle its own onflicts. After 24 years of squabbling, the south continues to be in chaos. It is still wrangling over the sharing of power and land.
  5. There is pervasive corruption in southern Somalia. It has become a way of life that destroys what should be the peace and tranquility of civil life. Tribalism is out of hand in southern Somalia and continues to fragment its society.
  6. There is no prospect for a better system in southern Somalia, which seems bent on perpetuating the status quo. Northern Somalia (Somaliland) has no unique obligation to remain in the union of greater Somalia. There is no rule that says Somaliland can’t withdraw. Greater Somalia encompasses Djibouti, the Northern Frontier District in Kenya, and the Ogaden region in Ethiopia, Somaliland, and southern Somalia. Djibouti has become independent, and the Northern Frontier District and Ogaden remain respectively in Kenya and Ethiopia through acquiescence.
  7. The north is in limbo and southern Somalia holds the Somali state in name only.
  8. The southern Somali elite have never asked themselves what they should do to accommodate northerners.

In addition to these points, Samatar said that Somalia has dissolved just like the former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and United Arab Republic (the political amalgamation of Syria and Egypt). He said Somaliland has the legal rights and obligations of an independent state. He wants the world to recognize Somaliland based on the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of State, a treaty signed at the International Conference of American States in Montevideo, Uruguay, on December 26, 1933. Based on article one of this treaty a state must have territory, a permanent population and a functioning government in order to meet the criteria for statehood.

He asserts that Somaliland meets these three criteria based on the treaties between European colonial powers that had spheres of influence on Somali tribes. The Anglo-French Treaty of 1888 established the boundary between British Somaliland and French Somaliland. The Anglo-Italian Protocol of 1894 established boundaries between British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Finally the Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1897 established the border between British Somaliland and Ethiopia.

Counter point to Samatar’s position:
The question of alienation: Northern Somalia acquired independence On June 26, 1960; Southern Somalia on July 1, 1960; and the two amalgamated as one on July 1, 1960. In the civilian governments that served from 1960-1969, northern Somalis were well-represented at all levels of government. The premier would generally be from the north even though it was not specified in the constitution. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, a northerner, was the Minister of Defense 1960-1962 and was prime minister from 1967 to 1969 until the civilian government was usurped by Siad Barre. Ahmed Yusuf Duale was the Foreign Minister in 1965 and Adan Isak was the Minister of Defense. There is an impressive list of all the individuals from the north who served in different capacities in all organs of the state. They were well-represented in the government. Even Siad Barre, who usurped power, was generous in appointing northerners to high positions of authority, including Omar Arte Ghalib who served as his foreign minister from 1969 to 1977. The Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) that overthrew the civilian government included at least three individuals from the north, including Ismail Ali Abokor, Ahnmed Suleiman Abdulle and Muse Rabile God. No northerner was sidelined. Samatar’s assessment of history amounts to obfuscation of the truth. Facts speak for themselves and need no defense. The question of the civil war and atrocities: Conflicts of the civil war included many overlapping levels. There was the state versus the tribes; tribes versus other tribes; and there were internal tribal wars. Every tribe has a mass grave to unearth. The atrocities of the civil war left no tribe unscathed. The question is this: does the crime warrant the dissolution of the country? If that is the case than what should happen as a result of the crimes committed by the Somali National Movement? Members of the Isak tribe became a target of the state after the tribe established bases in Ethiopia to overthrow the Somali government. Ethiopia took advantage of the opportunity to weaken the Somali state, and happily provided logistic support, weapons and bases to overthrow the regime. As Sheikh Hassan Daheye (a Gadabursi elder) said, “If Somalis from different tribes cannot forgive each other after thirty years, I, too, will exhume my victims. I have more bones than those of all the Isaks who perished in these battles.” The creation of the so-called “Somaliland War Crime Commission” to investigate the genocide was simply another effort to gain sympathy for recognition. Other tribes in the north might as well create their own list in order to acquire recognition. If the atrocities of the state justify establishing one’s own country, then the SNM crimes against the Gadabursi, Dhulbahanta and others must secede .

The north cannot remain on hold: The north remains isolated—not because of the chaos in the south but because Somaliland is not cohesive. All five tribes and others that make up Somaliland are signatories of the Arta Conference of 2000. That conference settled power distribution based on the tribal formula of 4.5, consisting of the four Somali tribes and minorities. This charter was the guiding principle of power distribution of the presidency, premiership and parliament. As part of that formula, Samatar became a Member of Parliament before he resigned. There are well over seventy individuals in the current Somali parliament representing the north. Many other individuals from the north include the current foreign minister, deputy prime minister and other cabinet member. Most of those seats are representing the Isak tribe who oppose the secession. The first president of Somaliland, Abdirahman Ali Tuur (1991-1993), dismissed the idea of secession after losing the presidency to Egal and returning to Mogadishu. Most recently, Foosiya Yusuf Xaji Adan, a northerner, dismissed the idea of separation and moved to Mogadishu. She was the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister from 2012-2014. She was replaced by Abdirahman Duale Beileh as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (2014-2015). He too was replaced by Abdisalam Hadliye Omar as the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

There are two active pro-federal movements, one of which is led by Professor Ali Khalif Galaydh who is a member of parliament and head of Khatumo state. He is opposed to separation. Sultan Wabar established the Awdal Regional Administration (ARA) to counter Somaliland’s claims to statehood. It is not the south that is holding back Somaliland; it is northerners who do not see Somaliland as a viable country. Also Somaliland is not an inclusive state. In 2014 the elders of Awdal region sent a round robin petition protesting power allocation in Somaliland. The issues addressed in the petition remain unresolved. Buuhoodle, a major urban town of the Dhulbahante is not under the authority of Somaliland. The Minister of Aviation of Somalia arrived in his home town of Buuhoodle on 10 August 2015. He was protected by local militia under the authority of the elders of Buuhoodle. The militia told the minister that he must build the airport and provide weapons and materiel for the tribe in order to integrate them with the future Somali army. The Somali government now has a foothold in the north which will integrate the militia with the Somali army.

Causes of the Augean stable:
It is true that corruption and tribalism have become more intense in Southern Somalia than in northern Somalia (Somaliland). The reason is that the south has more diverse people and alliances, each seeking to consolidate allocations of power and land before the dust of federalism settles.
They have found political settlements on paper but these have not materialized into meaningful actions. The Darod have been relegated to the premiership position that used to be for northerners before the civil war. Because the civil war changed the equation, it has become a Darod seat. The Darod have accepted this fate but are trying to empower the premiership with what the constitution allows—which is the head of the government rather than the president. The president constitutionally is a ceremonial figure. The Hawiye have naturally taken over the presidency because the seat of the government is in Mogadishu. They take credit for unseating Siad Barre from Mogadishu. Conflict and the corruption arise because the premiership position has been given the authority to run the day to day operations of the government while the president remains ceremonial.

The Hawiye tribe doesn’t accept this arrangement even though it signed off on the constitution that specifies the roles of each office. The root cause of the dispute is the distribution of power and its functions. Truly the two tribes haven’t found a political settlement pleasing to everyone; and corruption will go on until a viable settlement is reached. Southerners are still on equal footing, and a single northern tribe has taken hold of everybody else. It has closed all doors to meaningful positions of authority to non-Isaks, especially the presidency and heads of the three political parties. If citizen wants to enter the political process he/she has to come through these channels following outdated cultural practices prevalent in Somaliland.

The Darod and Hawiye are opting for a federal system of government and are consolidating power from several directions. They are empowering their sub-lineages residing elsewhere to establish federal states. This is happening in the shadow of massive input from non-governmental organizations. Even the United Nations has become a contributor to the corruption by relying so heavily on non-governmental organizations and other private firms that have employment resources for parliamentary and other civil servants. The northern tribes that make up Somaliland have a special obligation to keep the unity of the Somali people. The northern tribes are also impacted by the very colonial boundary that Samatar is trying to revive. All of the five tribes that make up Somaliland spill over to the other Somali territories, especially Djibouti and Ethiopia; and a large urban population from the north that lives in Kenya. Many of these were taken to Kenya by the British during its occupation. Thousands of families have intermarried with other Somalis since independence, making the separation of families a contentious issue if the two regions were to separate. What happened to other Somalis in Djibouti and Ethiopia and Kenya was not something of their making. Previous Somali states have tried both diplomacy and war to reintegrate with the republic, but their efforts failed and they are not living in any better conditions than before the attempted reintegration. They are not in a position to help rebuild greater Somalia.

Somaliland’s livestock economy and its remittance companies are predominantly linked to southern Somalia. It is in their best interest to keep the union together. It is also important to recognize that Somaliland has not found a political settlement to longstanding disputes. By making one tribe dominant over all the others, they have institutionalized the reprehensible tribal system and its accompanying nepotism—the very things responsible for destruction of the state. There is no cohesive southern government preventing the north from taking its fair share of power. There are possible accommodations of leadership to address the concerns of the north.

Somali tribes compete and form alliances to gain the upper hand over others outside of the power allocations specified in the constitution. All tribes are competing for the highest levels of authority within the state. Power sharing among tribes—whether right or wrong—has been instituted in the Somali constitution. It provides for the allocation of power to all tribes. In actuality, individual regions compete and form alliances to get more seats for their tribes through one or more forms of bribery. The wrangling among tribes in the south hasn’t settled and no southerner has power to influence the north.

The north is well presented in the southern government. Ali Khalif Galaydh, Foosiya Yusuf Haji Adan, Abdisalan Omar Hadliye, Mohamed Omar Arte Qalib and other prominent northerners are there to make sure that the north is well presented. “Northerners” are not marginalized and have never acted as one force collectively. The north is well-represented and no tribe is marginalized Samatar wants to reassert colonial boundaries based on treaties to which no Somali tribe ever agreed or made any formal commitment. The treaties confined tribes to certain areas and restricted their movements across different areas under the British, French, Italians and Ethiopians. The treaties never served the interests of the respective tribes; but served to trap them and restrict their grazing movements. Individuals were punished if they “trespassed” across the boundary lines. The British established garrisons at the borders to monitor tribal movements and grazing patterns to determine jurisdiction issue related to the various tribes. In some cases, they removed “unfriendly” tribes.

After Britain, Italy and France left Somalia, the boundary lines were not delineated officially; and the United Nations never officially demarcated new boundaries. They let old boundaries remain under the ambiguous title, “administrative lines.” On June 27, 1960, a day after the end of colonial rule in Somaliland, its thirty-three members of parliament unanimously passed the Act of Union with Southern Somalia, which included twenty-three articles in support of a Greater Somalia. Egal, the premier from the north, along with two members of the Somaliland parliament attended the Southern Somalia parliament session to approve the Act of Union. Egal reported that only two of the twenty-three articles passed and the rest were omitted. He didn’t specify the reasons why the articles were omitted. The premier never objected to this action, nor was there a public outcry as to why the articles from the north were rejected. Egal stated that he personally opposed the union as agreed, but was overridden by public euphoria.

The Act of Union became law in January of 1961. This document was the only document that genuinely represents purely Somali interests. Since it serves as the basis for resolving the current dispute, any action taken should be based on this document together with the interests and concerns of other tribes in the north who do not have a voice. This approach is highly preferable to simply refining leftover, non-representative “agreements” and documentation that a colonial power arbitrarily decided one hundred and twenty-five years ago.

Moving forward:
Colonial agreements or other treaties are not significant in the current Somali context. These treaties were not treaties between tribes. If treaties were “inheritable,” several tribes could claim that they had some kind of special relationship with a colonial power. After all, the tribes didn’t sign any treaties collectively as representing Somaliland.

The British, French and Italians signed independent agreements with some tribes to protect and safeguard colonial interests. Others have never signed treaties with any colonial power. It is meaningless to evoke what is essentially a one-sided, colonial-era document which none of the tribal elders was able to read, since they were unable to read and write English. Somaliland is purely tribal; and colonial boundaries are unable to serve the agenda of Somaliland’s various tribes. If we are to rise above trivial bickering, we must look more carefully at what is happening regionally.

Both Kenya and Ethiopia have enormous populations much larger than Somalia and Somaliland. Somalis have important real estate and it is critical to recognize that they must rise above tribal interests in order to utilize this strategic real estate. They must think through and settle their disputes. Continuous war and the establishment of fiefdoms will only set them back.

A strategy is needed to save the whole nation without favoring a particular tribe or group of tribes. Stalemate will damage both Somaliland and Somalia. There is significant potential for growth in agriculture, livestock, oil, renewable resources, and maritime commerce. Some form of integration between the north and south is inevitable.

To date, federalism is working well for some tribes, while for others it has become hell on earth—especially for those minority groups whose land has been trampled. An indigenous initiative is badly needed to improve tribal relations and restore healthy statehood—something like, for example, the Borama Conference of 1990.

The outcome of that conference was a firm commitment to forgiveness, clemency and moving forward. Modern politics is destroying Somalis. They need to return to their traditional conflict resolution techniques—the only approach that has proven effective over many decades of Somalia’s history and development. The old men with their hats and canes can once again do a better job than the intellectuals—who have been influenced and corrupted by a blend of modern politics and personal political greed. The goal of the intellectuals is to become personally famous rather than to be genuine, unselfish, servants of the people they aspire and purport to lead.

On 20th May, I listened to a jumble of meaningless words, by a man called Hassan Issa, released on few media outlets. In the first place, the decision to publish such a drivel by some media circles is as unnecessary as it is equally unethical and irresponsible.

The present Somaliland media outlets tend to be too propagandistic to be read, viewed or listened to. The writers never try to make serious effort to collect and sift information, rejecting the spurious inaccuracies and biases and committing the corrected facts for release.

Mostly, they follow clannish, individualistic and group interest footmarks. However and unfortunately for the people in that region, there are seems no other alternatives at all when it comes to local news.

In our modern era, the media is indisputably an instrument of war. This is because winning modern political wars is as much dependent on carrying domestic and international public opinion as it is on defeating the enemy on the battlefield.

For that reason, the local media circles remain essential, regardless of the intentions and believes of those who handle them. However, their responsibility to give an impartial and balanced assessment of issues is in serious doubt. In many occasions, as in this case, we become shocked when they portray themselves as extremely ignorant, unprofessional and against all codes of broadcasting ethics and conduct.

Those information windows characterized themselves as though they are tribal cults filled with contentious reports for delirious confused members. Many of these frames, with few exceptions, don’t give the least care to the contents of the published material.

In the case of Hassan, all what he said is no more than a bag of foul air from his empty head. In many times, we come across people who are hard to forget. Well, not always because they are helpful or bequeath us with some wonderful experiences, but sometimes because they give us unforgettable awful experiences with their utterly bad behavior and selfish characteristics.

A man of principle is an individual whose life adheres to and is conditioned to human values and morals and follows such convictions to their full. According to human laws and rules for right conduct, the moral principle is a guide. Where is that? Lost for sure…

As an accepted or professed rule of conduct, a person with fake moral principles, like Hassan, is rejected in any society. Hassan tries to appease the agony of his own clan whose suffering under Silanyo rule is on its peak.

Such callous talk mean nothing, but only a renewal of the old cover up ruling gang strategies. It is a weak attempt to dissuade the eyes of people away from the facts on the ground….the fast growing Habarjeclo dynasty by beating the fake old drums….enemies, tribes, we….we…are the only. Here are only a few:


– Habarjeclo warlords transfer millions of dollars to overseas banks by imposing fake Somaliland shilling in the local money markets.

– Almost all private profitable financial institutions are exclusively for the Siilaanyo team, in Hargeisa, Berbera, Burao and surprisingly Tugwajale, far away.

– All international aided public (governmental) projects go under the direct supervision of the presidency, Siilaanyo and his close associates.

– Hirsi is the only man who has the power to pocket hundreds of thousands of dollars from Berbera port authorities. He distributes to further their maintain power.

– Dahabshiil’s popular role is to pay clan leaders to silence peoples’ up-rise when people feel the pain of the corruption, hunger and poverty. The pre-paid suldans like Hassan, then go to TV stations and silence their people pointing finger at unjustified enemies at the gates of Somaliland. The common voices repeat how this peace was reached (sidii nabaddna lagu keenay). Where is peace when people live as destitute in their own country? Peace means peace of mind, health, education, jobs and justice for all. See WHO report, www.who.int/mental_health/somaliland

– The average income of Somaliland administration employee is less one dollar a day and the majority of families live below the poverty line.

Hassan and many like mind impaired thinkers believe that they overthrew the defunct regime of Siyad Barre. That is not true. That system failed itself because of ill-advice from those who were in the walls of the ruling palace.

It is the same ill-advise, the bad mouth, the foul air, the distortions, the sick mind…..people like Hassan are fooling and failing the Silanyo system. The cracks in the walls are seen from everywhere outside and cover-ups, like this one will not work. It didn’t work for those who were in the iron gates of Haille Sellassie, Mengistu, Siyad Barre, Ghadaafi, Mubarak…count them…

We lost reasoning when Hassan points finger at Awdal. This civilian population was not armed when mercilessly attacked in their grazing areas, farms, homes and public roads. SNM were supposed to fight government stations, not their neighbors. We all know that Awdal were only trying to defend them-selves and were never offensive.

Hassan and his heartless team were those who massacred the innocent civilians of Awdal people. The death, the rape and the destruction of Awdal populations are long forgiven by Awdalians in the so-called peace and reconciliation conference in Borama in 1993.



Awdal are the true forgivers and here are the backing reasons.

Instead of directing their war on the government and its forces, SNM began to kill the unarmed Samaroon and other neighboring civilian populations. Awdalians were never on the offensive but on defense on legitimate reasons.

– Hassan should and his team never admitted the death and the destruction that SNM forces did to their neighbors. They wiped out whole towns, villagers and even worshippers in mosques.

– Today, they tell the international community that they were the only people who suffered under the previous regime.

– They don’t acknowledge the fact that one bad Somali government had destroyed not only Hargeisa, but all Somalia and the capital Mogadishu was heavily bombarded for months.

– They don’t try to understand that bad governance ruined many countries in the world and Somalia is not the first country. Today, they have another bad one in their hands in Hargeisa but do they want to see it?

In 1991, after the collapse of the Somali government, SNM militia backed by Ethiopian Mengistu overran the Samaroon’s main city, Borama. They killed hundreds, ransacked homes, looted all business stores and displaced the city population. On their way to Borama, they demolished the historic adjacent town of Dila completely. Samaroon was only a peaceful and helpful neighbor and not a government. Why SNM was fighting their neighbors is still unknown to most of them and a mystery to other Somalis.

After the Civil War

In 1992, SNM proclaimed ‘Somaliland” a separate state from Somalia, forcing Samaroon and other tribes to join the illegal declaration. In a short time, the different Isaaq tribes started to clash with each other for power struggle. The whole country was again awash with guns, looters, rapists and road blockers. Roads were impassable with checkpoints by various clan gang members who claimed the road passages as their territory. At broad daylight, wild gunmen overpowered the president, Abdirahman Ahmed and his guards when he walked away from his car. At that point, members from neighbouring Isaaq elders approached Samaroon leaders for help. Samaroon decided to forgive the past and to mend fences with their SNM neighbours. From there, they stepped in and began their long journey of hope to negotiate peace between Isaaq fighting groups.

Two loaded buses of elders, with white flags, left Borama. In a short time, they were successful to accomplish inter-clan peace in Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao. After that, they organised another meeting in Sheikh as a platform for a country wide conference. More than 150 delegates gathered in sheikh and decided to hold a general peace conference. At that point, the conference hosting clan became an issue of serious debate. Each clan was reluctant to be the guest to the other as there was no trust among the Isaaqs. Proposals like Hargeisa, Burao, Berbera and Gabiley were all declined by one group or the other. As a last resort, Borama, the Samaroon city, was proposed as the hosting region and all delegates unanimously accepted with applause. As a result, In 1993, a long five-month conference in Borama succeeded to draft the terms of the first functional administration for today’s Somaliland system.

In addition to the Samaroon people’s sincerity, their land was the only perfect place for peace conference. They had a 21 member council of leaders that worked as their legislative body. In all inter-clan matters and in other related issues, the council’s decision was final. Nobody could dare to violate the laws that the council approved. The people had their own policing system with each clan leader responsible for the actions of his people and that eliminated lawlessness. Furthermore, Borama was the only town with electricity power in northern Somalia and there were dozens of international aid agencies. The airport was functional at its full capacity with a fair number of passenger and cargo aircrafts each day.

How Samaroon in Somaliland got the wrong reward for doing the right thing.

In exchange for their good work, Samaroon got the wrong reward when:

– Within few months, their Borama busy airport was closed and all flights and passengers were re-routed to Hargeisa airport.

– All international aid agencies were ordered to move from Borama to Hargeisa.

– Samaroon business people were forced to use the Berbera sea port where they are mugged and sometimes killed. In Nov. 2011, the latest victim on that road was a truck driver who was shot dead by road control soldier in bribe dispute.

– Isaaq occupied 95% of the Somaliland administration, the congress, the parliament, the armed forces, the security, the judicial and financial systems.

– A 10 million dollar aid from Kuwait government was Somalilnad infrastructure investment. That money went to the extension of Hargiesa and Berbera airports. In contrast, Awdal people and Diaspora struggled to finish a four kilometer road between Dila an Borama. Borama Airport is closed and all roads are unfit for travel. One of Awdal’s renowned doctors died very recently on those extreme roads.

– A 30 million European Union and UN funded water project is improving the water systems of the ruling clan towns of Hargeysa, Erigavo, Burao and Togwajale.

– Khalifa bin Zayed Charity Foundation has completed 20 large water basins/dams west of Hargeisa and 14 water wells in the north of the city. The foundation has also drilled 9 new water wells and watershed basins in Burao.

– In July 2009, business travellers were stopped in public road. Four of them were taken to the bush, murdered in cold blood and their bodies mercilessly mutilated.

– Students came out in masses in protest against July ugly killings, raised the Somali flag and denounced the separatist authority. SNM militia, angered by the sight of the blue flag, opened fire on demonstrators when a young boy was shot dead. The young martyr died with his right hand still clinging with his national flag.

– Within the last few years, 13 people are killed in the area of Seemaal. Three of them were cut into pieces with an axe while they were sleeping. The killers were identified by the “Somaliland” Interior Minister on the TV news. Killers are still at large in their tribal enclave safe haven.

– Samaroon public and others are denied to claim their Somali identity and none can dare to keep the blue flag. From 18 to 22 May, 2012, more than 50 students are taken prisoners. Always, there are large numbers of political prisoners, simply for denying the separatist policy or for having the Somali national flag.

– On regular basis, news reporters are arrested and tortured. In March 2012, Mohamed Abdirahman Ismail was arrested in Borama, tortured repeatedly in jail and taken to Borama Hospital unconscious.

In conclusion

After so much suffering in a quarter of a century, our people were supposed to make their endeavor to a qualitative difference to society, by reawakening the spirit of solidarity and brotherhood on the basis of a common humanity. That would have brought the people together as one collective soul with life for all.

The spoilers like Hassan, Bixi, Kahin and their team could have a better life and out of the dirt but the question is, did they ever tried a way out?. That requires real sacrifices and courage. Do they have the courage to be strong, wise and out of the murky way? For sure, they have to realize this is not working and there is a better way for all. If not, they are digging the grave and preparing their downfall in their own hands

In today’s leadership, we don’t need narcissistic leaders, impaired thinkers and ill-advisors who run for their personal gains. We need leaders with vision, who can learn from the past mistakes and who can lead their people through the 21stcentury with courage and confidence.

Osman Elmi elmi1949@hotmail.ca

That is why emotional somalilanders suspended rational analysis, independent judgment, and conscious decision making about what they are hearing or taking in. They, therefore, have lost the boundaries between what they wished to be true and what is true. From there

In Greek mythology, a man called Odyssey lost 20 years in unknown seas on his return from Troy to Ithaka. In his absence, it is assumed he has died, and his wife Penelope and son Telemachus must deal with a group of unruly suitors, who compete for Penelope’s hand in marriage. His son was in process for adoption.

On Odyssey’s arrival in Ithaka, large number of people were in procession to see him alive. They heard his story for a long and they were for curiosity. Odyssey who admitted symptoms of identity crisis during his absence, did not care about who married his beloved Penelope or the adoption and the identity change of his son, Telemachus.

He was very happy to see the many people who greeted him. That is all what he wanted. Ahmed’s Penelope is already in the hands of another suitor. She waited him for many years when he got lost in his imaginary fantasies.

This journey, as seen by many, is on the 11th hour when the clock is ticking fast and loud….right to the end of the game. It is also a surprise to many who didn’t know the Professor and who are learning now. However, those who know him expected it as it happened. From a Somali president ambition to a drummer in the underworld of Somaliland is a very big flat and splash.

For more than quarter of a century, this part of the country has changed into medieval cult. Its leaders and elders had become masters of the folk art of human manipulation. They modify their approaches and techniques and use centuries-old manipulative talk to lead people to the ditches. There is no limit to the ways they can learn to manipulate others, especially when they don’t have the conscience.
They use two main methods of persuasion techniques which are (1) emotional manipulation (2) and distortions of historical facts. No matter which techniques those cult leaders have used, other Somalis have seen the resultant behavioral change of the people from that region.
In the first technique, emotional manipulation, leaders put people in a psychological hypnosis. The opium of tribalism is the tool and, subsequently, the main obstacle to the rational thinking. This is essentially a highly mental focused concentration in which the leader occupies the minds. On the other side, the population blindly follows their leaders, suspending judgment, reasoning and peripheral awareness. That is how the leaders, in this cultic environment, manipulated a vulnerable society implanting suggestions tailored to their personal agenda

In the second method, people are brainwashed and are impaired. This is a phenomenon in which everyone’s consciousness or awareness is modified. In that case, people’s awareness seems to split as their active critical-evaluative thinking dims. They then slip from an active into a passive-receptive mode of mental processing and listen or look without reflection, evaluation and logic.

The craze, and the imaginations are business as usual. Starting from the SNM campaign in 1980s till this present day, the distortions are the rule. They hide the real truth about the history of the region and its people, about what happened in the whole country of Somalia, about what happened in the civil war and about everything they share with other Somalis. Only one window is open from there, young and old learn the cult culture and nothing beyond.

That is why emotional somalilanders suspended rational analysis, independent judgment, and conscious decision making about what they are hearing or taking in. They, therefore, have lost the boundaries between what they wished to be true and what is true. From there, Imagination and reality intertwined and their mental processor gear shifted permanently into receptivity, leaving active mental processing out of position.

The cult manipulative talk was always out of proportion but went overboard few days ago. That was when Faysal Ali Warabe equated Christianity and Somalism. He argued that anyone who chooses somalism against Somaliland is like a convert from Islam to Christianity. This means that Somaliland is a religious cult. Whether that is sane or insane, I will leave it to the readers. Is that a leader or a cult leader?

In our modern world, the word cult in its current popular usage is a reference term for a new religious whose beliefs or practices are considered abnormal or bizarre by the larger society. It is generally characterized with great devotion to the group’s spurious ideas. Such blind devotion is regarded as a craze.
After so much suffering in a quarter of a century, our people were supposed to make their endeavor to a qualitative difference to society, by reawakening the spirit of solidarity and brotherhood on the basis of a common humanity. That would have brought the people together as one collective soul with life for all.

Those cult leaders like Silanyo, Saleiman, Hirsi, Biixi, Kahin and their team could have a better life for their people and even for themselves. The question is, did they ever try a way out? That requires real sacrifices and courage. Do they have the courage to be strong, wise and out of the murky way? For sure, they by now have realized that this is not working and there is a better way for all. For them, it seems too late because they have been brainwashing their people for a quarter of a century.

In today’s leadership, we don’t need cult leaders whose minds can’t judge between reality and fiction. We need leaders who can understand between reality and imagination and who shift people’s minds from the receptivity position to active processing.

Jamal Hassan jamal_hassan@hotmail.ca

Source: hiiraan.com

by Said Ahmed Salah Sunday, March 31, 2013

“Of all ignorance, the ignorance of the educated is the most dangerous.  Not only are educated people likely to have more influence, they are the last people to suspect that they don’t know what they are talking about when they go outside their narrow fields.” — Thomas Sowell


Somalia has everything it needs for regaining momentum to succeed at this juncture of its turbulent history, with one exception: critical masses of thinkers, analysts and policy specialists who can help unleash the creative potential of the Somali people and build a functioning government and policy structures that will facilitate a new wave of nationalism and successes in nation building. Figuring out of  why so many of our intellectuals and  experts are so poorly equipped to play a constructive role-and figuring out how to develop the leadership we currently lack- may be the single most important work Somalis need to work on right now.

I think that Somalia is walking on a thorny road, and that we are stuck with a tribal-based model that doesn’t work, or, may I say that can’t go toe-in-toe with a modern national life. No matter how we try to numerically simplify, or amplify our tribal base structures (4.5, 5,), or give a particular spin on the importance, or no-importance of “federalism”, the tribal-based governance model is about to fail. I have no desire to inundate you on the relevance of this argument; we all could see how the gathering storms would look like. Unless we tend to betray our senses, we live in a modern era in which tribal affinity and existing tribal structures make no sense any more. Our social unity demands emphasis of modern concepts and social constructs such as businesses, professional structures, citizenship, or families.

There is a great deal of work ahead to enable us meet the challenges. I am optimistic that we, as a people, can make the right moves. Our people are stronger than they know. Our culture of enterprise and risk-taking is still strong: a critical mass of Somalis still has the values and characteristics that helped us form the Somali Republic in the first place, and to overcome the challenges of the last two decades.

But when I look the problems we face, I worry. It is not that our national life and cohesiveness is eroding, because we committed sins of pride, tribalism and sectarianism, and that, so far, our leaders are short of offering a perspective that provides some coherence to politics and current events. And it is not about the hefty task of reconstruction: we can and will deal with that if we get our policies and politics right.  And it is certainly not the blatant international meddling of our affairs: Our neighbors and the rest of the world will afford us mutual respect and weigh our wishes once we make proper footing.

No, what worries me most today is the state of the people who should be the natural leaders of the next Somali transformation: our intellectuals and professionals: sons and daughters of Somalia who lost track of the important issues. Not all of them, I hasten to say: we have great scholars and some daring thinkers, who, at minimum, keep on writing on the rough-and-tumble of Somali politics.

But the sad reality today is that so many of Somalia’s best-educated, best-placed people are too invested on old social models and primordial values to do a real job and help Somalia transition to the next level. Instead of opportunities for change they see threats; instead of hope they see danger; instead of healing a broken nation they inflame gaping wounds; and instead of the possibility of progress they duel on revisionism, and the undoing of everything that was true and worthy to stand.

Too many of the very people who should be leading the country in to a process of renewal that would allow us to harness the full power of modern knowledge and technology and make the average person incomparably better off and more in control of his or her own destiny than ever before, are devoting their considerable talent and energy to petty squabbles, trivial chatter and tribal pontification that relives the ugly past rather than to transcend it.

Even though higher learning has flourished among generations of Somalis who were lucky enough to migrate to a number of key receiving countries, including the United States, Canada, and Europe. Yet, a significant number have shown a feeling that they are generally not concerned, may I say sufficiently, with Somalia’s rebirth, perhaps of vastly embedded mediocrity or a general tendency and inclination to express parochial loyalties and sentiments that favor inter-tribe conflicts.

It is obvious we are still haunted by nomadic memories! Whenever and wherever our academics, professionals, leaders of the government interact and converse remains ravaged by baseless arguments and ad-hominem attacks. Rather than facing the stark reality of existing national problems, and finding cure for the political breakdown of the nation, the discourse tends dominated by the elastic tribal sense of grievance and victimhood, beneath which an inter-group hatred lurk.

This entails the rather disturbing recognition that we are more prone today (more than any other time), relinquishing our own sense of ‘Somali’ identity. . We cannot say for sure we have the right leaders to run the country. No one seems to know for sure what kind of government system we will have and survive in the long haul. It appears no one knows who will win or lose in both the distribution of political and economic power.

Somali politics became dominated by an unpleasant and destructive discourse, mixing self-pity and arrogance in equal parts. Each of our frequent failures has a pre-fabricated excuse; each of our occasional successes, generates significant controversy.

This problem will continue if the ruling elite limit their outreach, do not fully absorb the reality on the ground, and do not fully respect the lines of division drawn between them according to positions in the vertical and horizontal distribution of power. This problem will continue if the educated classes do not try to rectify their shortcomings, errors and failures of the entire Somali landscape and current political dispensation.

Said Ahmed Salah Sterling, VA USA Saidsalah12@gmail.com


TV-yada Soomaalidu Tayo Xumaa oo Tuugsi Badanaa! Maxaa Wadaadadeenii Hore Lagu haystay? 

Xigasho: www.miisaanka.com

Hadalka ma gafin hadaan ku bilaabo nin nooloow maxaa aragti ku dhiman ama ninkii noolaada Geel dhalaa waas arkaa, Waxaan labadaaas murti uga danleeyahay wax aad iga yaabiyay oo runtii in badan aan is weydiiyay maxaa dadkii si ka noqday.

Waxaan hubaa akhristoow inaad mowduuca cinwaanka oo kaliya uga dheregeysid arinta aan u qalin qaatay, saas darteed uma baahna in aan wax dheer oo aad ku daashid ka iraahdo.

TV-yada ku baxa Afka Soomaaliga ee laga daawado Saxanka ama dhishka hotbird-ka ayaa umadii Soomaaliyeed ku riday niyad jab iyo lugooyo aysan hilmaami doonin, Waxaad arakaysaa umada oo nacladaysa TV-yadaas oo aan habayaratee soo dayn wax umada anfacaya marka laga reebo Muxaadaraad ay dan gaar ah ka leeyihiin iyo warar laaluush lagu qaatay.

Guud ahaan shacabka Soomaaliyeed aad iyo aad ayay ula riyaaqeen in Tv ku baxa afkooda Soomaaliyeed ay guryahooda iyo meherada caamka ah ku daawadaan, waxaase isla markiiba soo baxday in Tv-yadaa ay u furan yihiiin dano qaab daran oo ay adagtahay qofka saqaafadiisa sarayso inuu fahmo, iskaba daa warmooge warkiisee.

Aqaristoo waxaa hawada ku jira tv-yo tiro badan oo qaarkood hadda la furay qaarna horay u furnaanyeen, waxayna ka wada simanyihiin tuugsashada casriga iyo furashada Dumarka.

Waxaa dhab noqotay wadaad inuu wadaad un yahay ama ha ahaado kuwii hore ama kuwan Cusub ee la soo baxay tuugsashada casriga ah. Xaqiiqda markaad eegtid wadaadii hore ee Suufiyada ayaaba waxbadan ka fiican Kuwan, oo Wadaadeenii hore tuugsigooda joogto ma ahayn oo xiliyo mucayan ah ayay dadka siyaarada ka qaadi jireen, waxayna wax ka qaadi jireen markaas dadka ay la joogaan.
Wadaada Cusubse Tuugsigooda ama dhahee toogeysigooda guri kasta iyo meelkasta ayuu galay, waxaana la soo ogaaday dadka ay wax ka qaadaan inay u badanyihiin haween ku dhibaataysan qurbaha, tasoo mararka qaar keensata inay isku dhacaan ragoodii hadayba rag leeyihiin, hadii kalana ay lacagtii caruurta ay ku takri falaan.

Waxaa la yaab noqday in wadaadan Cusub oo shicaarka diinga dadka ku qalda ay baro dhaafeen wadaadii hore, waxaana moodaa in ducada ay gacanta ku hayaan oo iyaga bixinayaan, xataa wax dambi ah hadaad ka dalbatid inay kugu duceeyaan waa kugu duceynayaan si ay u helaan lacagtooda!

Waxaan Xasuustaa qof waayeel ah oo qurbaha habeen ka soo wacday waxayna weydiisatay ninkeeda iyo caruur ay dhashay in loogu duceeyo imaanshaha wadamada reer galbeedka, deeto Sheekhii Duca ayuu isla qabtay asagoo Alle uga baryaya qoyskaas muslimka ah inay yimaadaan wadan gaalo ah oo qatar ku ah diintooda iyo dhaqankooda.

Universal oo ah bilaabaha fitantan tuugsiga ah oo qandaraas weyn ku haysta lacag aruurinta ayaa wixii qarash ah ee la uruuriyo uu ku leeyahay boqolkiiba labaatan (20%) sidaan xog hoose ku helnay. Sidoo kale wadaada hadlaya oo dadka ka daadinayana intaas la mid ah ayay leeyihiin, taasi oo la macna ah waxaad dar Alle u bixisay in dad kale saacado gudahoood wax uga qabsadaan oo ku tukaamaystaan.

Waxaad furan Tv-yada kala ah:

horn cable

Somali Chanl

Somaliland Tv.

Waxaa aad iga yaabiyay intaas oo TV inay halmar oo qura hawada Soo galaan oo teleefada wada furaan si ay u tuugsadaan, sababtuna yaan lagaaga hormarin islaamaha masaakiimaha ee lagu beerlaxaawsad waxaan jirin iyo balanqaadyo uu Alle bixin karo oo la leeyahay waad helaysaa oo la jasminayo.

Intaas waxaa ku dheer kaftanka xaraanta ah iyo naago la qabo oo la fitnaynayo, waxaan xasuustaa gabar maalin soo wacday oo lacag la baxday, waxaa la weydiiay maxaan kugu duceynaa? Yaab ileen qasab bay boqotay ducadiiyee, saa waxay tiro waxbo ma qabo Al-Xamdulillah, ninkii wadaadka matalayay ayaa yiri haddaba SHAAH I Cab! gabdhii waa isku yaxyaxday.

Isku soo xooriyoo Waxaad is weydisaa hal Suaal TV-yadan Maxaad ka faa’idaa ama ay ku soo kordhiyeen Gurigaada? Hadaad Jawaabta saxda ah oo aad ka fekirtay waxay kugu soo baxaysa inaysan waxbo meesha ku hayn.



Friday, September 16, 2011

LONDON (AlertNet) – Most humanitarians see the dire situation in Somalia as the worst possible combination of circumstances. War, poverty, displacement, drought, famine – not to mention pirates and Islamist rebels who don’t like foreign aid workers. 

Somalia has the lot. Somalia is, well….Somalia (cue: deep sigh and despairing shrug).

Years of anarchy since the fall of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991, combined with frequent drought and rampant inflation, have turned Somalia into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

Back in the early 1990s, civil war and famine killed some 250,000 people.

More recently, the rise of indigenous Islamist movements in southern Somalia has rekindled fears the lawless territory might become a safe haven for al Qaeda and other groups branded as terrorists.

To top it all, a severe drought since late last year has left 4 million Somalis in need of food aid, with hundreds dying every day due to the famine in the south, at least half of them children.

Just how much do 20 years of state failure and recurring disasters like this cost, both in human and monetary terms?

A report from One Earth Future Foundation and the Center for American Progress attempts to quantify the destruction and misery. “The cost of Somalia’s ruin is nothing short of staggering,” it says.

It estimates – conservatively, it notes – that the international community, including the Somali diaspora, has collectively spent just over $55 billion responding to Somalia since 1991.

Here are some facts and figures from “Twenty years of collapse: The cost of failure in Somalia”, which draws on a wide range of U.N. and other data:

Major financial costs to the international community since 1991. Total: $55.3 billion, consisting of:

– Humanitarian and development aid – $13 billion

– Remittances – $11.2 billion

– Peacekeeping, military responses/aid, counter-terror and diplomacy – $7.3 billion

– Piracy – $22 billion

– International crime and illicit financial flows – $2 billion

– Direct bilateral assistance to the government which disappeared in 2009 and 2010 (according to a confidential audit of the Somali government) – 96 percent

Major human costs of Somalia since 1991:

– Deaths – 450,000 to 1.5 million

– Refugees – more than 800,000

– Internally displaced people – more than 1.5 million

Other facts

– Average length of the term of a Somali prime minister since 2000 – 11.9 months

– Annual revenue of Islamist rebel group al Shabaab (U.N. estimate) – $70 million-$100 million

– Difference in life expectancy between a citizen of Japan and Somalia – 32.2 years

– Average number of births per Somali woman – 6.3

– Odds that a Somali child will die before their fifth birthday – 1 in 7.4

“Somalia remains a tragic case study of the international community getting it wrong repeatedly,” the report argues.

The U.S. government is heavily criticised for its “wilful disregard for sensible diplomacy”, including propping up the regime of Siad Barre in the 1980s and supporting a “disastrous” 2006 Ethiopian invasion.

“At a time when the fiscal climate in Washington is extraordinarily difficult…it is all the more vital that we approach conflicts like Somalia with sensible long-term strategies rather than knee-jerk responses,” the report concludes. “The cost of any other approach is simply too high.”

The full report can be downloaded from the Center for American Progress website. AlertNet has a crisis briefing that explains the background to Somalia’s crisis

Source: AlertNet