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Waa maansadii dheerayd ee GUDGUDE oo uu curiyey Abwaan Maxamad Ibrahim Warsame (HADRAAWI) – qaybtii u dambaysay:

UMMADYAHAY DIB UMA GUURI KARO, GOOSHKAN MAANTA AHE
GOSHA HOOYO WAA LAGA KORAA, GOODIR KAY TAHAYE
GURIGAAGA WAA LOO SAFRAA KEENNU WAA GOGOL

GUUL BAA LA SOO HOYN KARAA MAALIN GELINKEEDE

GASHI BAXANA WAA LAGU DAYAA, GEED KA HADALKIIYE
HADDAY GUDUBTO YEEDHAYDU WAA, SHEEKO II GADANE.


GEYIGAYGU WAA KOW INTUU, WAAJIB II GALO’E
DHULKA KALE INTAAN GAADHI KARO, WAW GOL LEEYAHAYE
ADDUUNYADA GO’DOON KAGAMAJIRO, GARANGAR LOO YAALLE
GARAADKAYGU WAA DHAAFSAN YAHAY, XAAJO GOBOLEEDE

DAREENKAYGU GOODDIGA SIBUU , II GILGILAYAAYE
GUHAAD IYO CANAAN BUU HIYIGU, II GAB-LEEYAHAYE
INTA GARASHO II MEEL LA’DAHAY , TAYDA MAAN GUDANE

HADBA WAXAN GALIILYOONAYAA, GOOBO LAY TEBAYE
ASAAGGAY WUXUU GALO AYAAN , ANIGU GOOYAAYE
ANIGIYO KUWII LAGU GOBLAMAY, WAA GUDBOONNAHAYE
QAYRKAY INTUU GUUL SUNTADAY, GOONI II FARANE
NIN KASTOO GANBADU SAARANTAHAY, DUNIDA GUUDKEEDA
GURMADKAYGA WAW BAAHANYAHAY, RUUX LA GAASIRAYE

TAYDANA NINKII IGU GUNTADEY, WAW GAR LEEYAHAYE
MARBA GOOHA DHIILLADA HALKII, IGU GALOOLLAATA
KARAANKAYGA WAAN GEYN INTAAN, GEERI MOOGAHAY
WAXA INA RAG II GUULAYAA , TIISA GAARKA AHE
ANNA WAXAAN GO’AANSADAY INAAN, LAY GABOOD FALINE.

ANNA WAXAAN GO’AANSADAY INAAN, LAY GABOOD FALINE.
GARAWSHIIYO JEERAAN KA HELO, GAANKA DUNIDAYDA
JEERAAN GALAA BAXO ARLADA, GOODDI IYO GOODDI
JEERAAN GUFAACADA KU TAGO, MEELO GERIYAADA
GAALIYO ISLAAMKABA ILLAA, TAYDU WADA GAADHO
BARIGIYO GALBEEDKABA ILLAA, LAYGU GACAN QAADO
GUREY IYO ISLOW IYO HURROW, GABAYGU WAA BEENE

GODADLEYSAN MAAYEE TASHIGA, WAAN GUDDOONSADAYE
WAXBA YAAN INDHAHA LAYGU GUBIN, GAABSI MA AQAANNE.
GUDCUR LAGA TALLAABSADAY ILAYS, BAADI LAGU GOOBTAY,
GAMAS IISHAY, GAASHAAN BURBURAY, GAWRAC LAGA MAARMAY,
DUNIDOO GIBLADA IIDSAN, OO GACAL WALAALOWDEY

GUDBOONAANTA XEERKEEDA IYO, GARASHO NUURKEED DHEH!

 By Jaafar M Sh Jama Oct 07, 2015
Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar called for the dissolution of the Somali state at small gathering of northern Somali migrant workers and refugees at Brunel University in London on 17 July 2015. He was reinforcing a decision that was made by the central committee of the Somali National Movement on 18 May 1991. The movement to secede from Southern Somalia represented the political interests of the Isak tribe, and acquiesced to other northern tribes.

The colonial boundary the tribe is reasserting was not of its own making; it served the political and economic interest of Britain 76 years ago. Twenty-one of the 76 years of British occupation were consumed by war and internecine violence. In fact that period was so horrific that some people during the occupation were forced to eat the carcasses of animals. Many people remember this period as the era of eating filth. During the remaining 55 years, Britain exploited resources and gave land that they did not own to others. Now “Somaliland” finds that ugly and unpleasant history attractive because it serves the political and economic interest of the Isak tribe.

For 24 years, the tribe has been seeking recognition based on this principle: Somaliland was a British “Protectorate” and subsequent Somali governments oppressed, alienated and destroyed them. Other tribes who share Somaliland with the Isak tribe blame the tribe—along with others—for the indiscriminate destruction of their communities; and the annihilation of the Somali state backed by the Marxist Ethiopian regime of 1988. The tribes did not sign up for dismemberment of the Somali state. They expected reconciliation and disarmament.

The Ethiopian regime has been seeking to dismantle the Somali state since its inception in 1960.
In fact, Mohamed Hashi Dhamac (Gaariye), the poet who trumped violence through poetry stated that when he and Mohamed Ibrahim Hadrawi defected to Ethiopia they were taken to the Ethiopian presidential palace to meet with Mengistu. When Mengistu came out to meet them, he looked fierce and spoke very harshly in Amharic. Gaariye said he became afraid and, not knowing the language, he thought that Mengistu had ordered them to be put them in jail. They breathed a sigh of relief when the interpreter said Mengistu explained that his government had been waiting for a Somali to defect and dismantle the Somali people for 100 years. It confirmed that it was a blessing to have the defectors come to Ethiopia.

Samatar’s Stance:
It is within these dark shadows that I reflect upon Samatar’s recent argument that going back to the colonial boundary would somehow resolve what ails the Somali people. Who would have thought an economist and political science professor would strike a Faustian accord with a tribal undertaking.

I recap the eight points he cited as reasons to secede from southern Somalia. From there I will highlight the weaknesses of his position.

  1. The first point he laid out is the historical alienation of the north from the political power sharing of the government. Northerners are alienated from the highest offices of the government. The country was not a shared place and continues beau geste allocations of positions to northerners. There is no point in being part of a place in which you have no sharing of power, influence, or decision-making ability.
  2. The union brought more damage to the north, which deserves to have its own independent country.
  3. Atrocities were committed against the north during the civil war of 1988-90, which decimated civilians and livestock; and caused massive displacement of the population.
  4. The north cannot remain on hold while the south continues the struggle to settle its own onflicts. After 24 years of squabbling, the south continues to be in chaos. It is still wrangling over the sharing of power and land.
  5. There is pervasive corruption in southern Somalia. It has become a way of life that destroys what should be the peace and tranquility of civil life. Tribalism is out of hand in southern Somalia and continues to fragment its society.
  6. There is no prospect for a better system in southern Somalia, which seems bent on perpetuating the status quo. Northern Somalia (Somaliland) has no unique obligation to remain in the union of greater Somalia. There is no rule that says Somaliland can’t withdraw. Greater Somalia encompasses Djibouti, the Northern Frontier District in Kenya, and the Ogaden region in Ethiopia, Somaliland, and southern Somalia. Djibouti has become independent, and the Northern Frontier District and Ogaden remain respectively in Kenya and Ethiopia through acquiescence.
  7. The north is in limbo and southern Somalia holds the Somali state in name only.
  8. The southern Somali elite have never asked themselves what they should do to accommodate northerners.

In addition to these points, Samatar said that Somalia has dissolved just like the former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and United Arab Republic (the political amalgamation of Syria and Egypt). He said Somaliland has the legal rights and obligations of an independent state. He wants the world to recognize Somaliland based on the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of State, a treaty signed at the International Conference of American States in Montevideo, Uruguay, on December 26, 1933. Based on article one of this treaty a state must have territory, a permanent population and a functioning government in order to meet the criteria for statehood.

He asserts that Somaliland meets these three criteria based on the treaties between European colonial powers that had spheres of influence on Somali tribes. The Anglo-French Treaty of 1888 established the boundary between British Somaliland and French Somaliland. The Anglo-Italian Protocol of 1894 established boundaries between British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Finally the Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1897 established the border between British Somaliland and Ethiopia.

Counter point to Samatar’s position:
The question of alienation: Northern Somalia acquired independence On June 26, 1960; Southern Somalia on July 1, 1960; and the two amalgamated as one on July 1, 1960. In the civilian governments that served from 1960-1969, northern Somalis were well-represented at all levels of government. The premier would generally be from the north even though it was not specified in the constitution. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, a northerner, was the Minister of Defense 1960-1962 and was prime minister from 1967 to 1969 until the civilian government was usurped by Siad Barre. Ahmed Yusuf Duale was the Foreign Minister in 1965 and Adan Isak was the Minister of Defense. There is an impressive list of all the individuals from the north who served in different capacities in all organs of the state. They were well-represented in the government. Even Siad Barre, who usurped power, was generous in appointing northerners to high positions of authority, including Omar Arte Ghalib who served as his foreign minister from 1969 to 1977. The Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) that overthrew the civilian government included at least three individuals from the north, including Ismail Ali Abokor, Ahnmed Suleiman Abdulle and Muse Rabile God. No northerner was sidelined. Samatar’s assessment of history amounts to obfuscation of the truth. Facts speak for themselves and need no defense. The question of the civil war and atrocities: Conflicts of the civil war included many overlapping levels. There was the state versus the tribes; tribes versus other tribes; and there were internal tribal wars. Every tribe has a mass grave to unearth. The atrocities of the civil war left no tribe unscathed. The question is this: does the crime warrant the dissolution of the country? If that is the case than what should happen as a result of the crimes committed by the Somali National Movement? Members of the Isak tribe became a target of the state after the tribe established bases in Ethiopia to overthrow the Somali government. Ethiopia took advantage of the opportunity to weaken the Somali state, and happily provided logistic support, weapons and bases to overthrow the regime. As Sheikh Hassan Daheye (a Gadabursi elder) said, “If Somalis from different tribes cannot forgive each other after thirty years, I, too, will exhume my victims. I have more bones than those of all the Isaks who perished in these battles.” The creation of the so-called “Somaliland War Crime Commission” to investigate the genocide was simply another effort to gain sympathy for recognition. Other tribes in the north might as well create their own list in order to acquire recognition. If the atrocities of the state justify establishing one’s own country, then the SNM crimes against the Gadabursi, Dhulbahanta and others must secede .

The north cannot remain on hold: The north remains isolated—not because of the chaos in the south but because Somaliland is not cohesive. All five tribes and others that make up Somaliland are signatories of the Arta Conference of 2000. That conference settled power distribution based on the tribal formula of 4.5, consisting of the four Somali tribes and minorities. This charter was the guiding principle of power distribution of the presidency, premiership and parliament. As part of that formula, Samatar became a Member of Parliament before he resigned. There are well over seventy individuals in the current Somali parliament representing the north. Many other individuals from the north include the current foreign minister, deputy prime minister and other cabinet member. Most of those seats are representing the Isak tribe who oppose the secession. The first president of Somaliland, Abdirahman Ali Tuur (1991-1993), dismissed the idea of secession after losing the presidency to Egal and returning to Mogadishu. Most recently, Foosiya Yusuf Xaji Adan, a northerner, dismissed the idea of separation and moved to Mogadishu. She was the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister from 2012-2014. She was replaced by Abdirahman Duale Beileh as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (2014-2015). He too was replaced by Abdisalam Hadliye Omar as the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

There are two active pro-federal movements, one of which is led by Professor Ali Khalif Galaydh who is a member of parliament and head of Khatumo state. He is opposed to separation. Sultan Wabar established the Awdal Regional Administration (ARA) to counter Somaliland’s claims to statehood. It is not the south that is holding back Somaliland; it is northerners who do not see Somaliland as a viable country. Also Somaliland is not an inclusive state. In 2014 the elders of Awdal region sent a round robin petition protesting power allocation in Somaliland. The issues addressed in the petition remain unresolved. Buuhoodle, a major urban town of the Dhulbahante is not under the authority of Somaliland. The Minister of Aviation of Somalia arrived in his home town of Buuhoodle on 10 August 2015. He was protected by local militia under the authority of the elders of Buuhoodle. The militia told the minister that he must build the airport and provide weapons and materiel for the tribe in order to integrate them with the future Somali army. The Somali government now has a foothold in the north which will integrate the militia with the Somali army.

Causes of the Augean stable:
It is true that corruption and tribalism have become more intense in Southern Somalia than in northern Somalia (Somaliland). The reason is that the south has more diverse people and alliances, each seeking to consolidate allocations of power and land before the dust of federalism settles.
They have found political settlements on paper but these have not materialized into meaningful actions. The Darod have been relegated to the premiership position that used to be for northerners before the civil war. Because the civil war changed the equation, it has become a Darod seat. The Darod have accepted this fate but are trying to empower the premiership with what the constitution allows—which is the head of the government rather than the president. The president constitutionally is a ceremonial figure. The Hawiye have naturally taken over the presidency because the seat of the government is in Mogadishu. They take credit for unseating Siad Barre from Mogadishu. Conflict and the corruption arise because the premiership position has been given the authority to run the day to day operations of the government while the president remains ceremonial.

The Hawiye tribe doesn’t accept this arrangement even though it signed off on the constitution that specifies the roles of each office. The root cause of the dispute is the distribution of power and its functions. Truly the two tribes haven’t found a political settlement pleasing to everyone; and corruption will go on until a viable settlement is reached. Southerners are still on equal footing, and a single northern tribe has taken hold of everybody else. It has closed all doors to meaningful positions of authority to non-Isaks, especially the presidency and heads of the three political parties. If citizen wants to enter the political process he/she has to come through these channels following outdated cultural practices prevalent in Somaliland.

The Darod and Hawiye are opting for a federal system of government and are consolidating power from several directions. They are empowering their sub-lineages residing elsewhere to establish federal states. This is happening in the shadow of massive input from non-governmental organizations. Even the United Nations has become a contributor to the corruption by relying so heavily on non-governmental organizations and other private firms that have employment resources for parliamentary and other civil servants. The northern tribes that make up Somaliland have a special obligation to keep the unity of the Somali people. The northern tribes are also impacted by the very colonial boundary that Samatar is trying to revive. All of the five tribes that make up Somaliland spill over to the other Somali territories, especially Djibouti and Ethiopia; and a large urban population from the north that lives in Kenya. Many of these were taken to Kenya by the British during its occupation. Thousands of families have intermarried with other Somalis since independence, making the separation of families a contentious issue if the two regions were to separate. What happened to other Somalis in Djibouti and Ethiopia and Kenya was not something of their making. Previous Somali states have tried both diplomacy and war to reintegrate with the republic, but their efforts failed and they are not living in any better conditions than before the attempted reintegration. They are not in a position to help rebuild greater Somalia.

Somaliland’s livestock economy and its remittance companies are predominantly linked to southern Somalia. It is in their best interest to keep the union together. It is also important to recognize that Somaliland has not found a political settlement to longstanding disputes. By making one tribe dominant over all the others, they have institutionalized the reprehensible tribal system and its accompanying nepotism—the very things responsible for destruction of the state. There is no cohesive southern government preventing the north from taking its fair share of power. There are possible accommodations of leadership to address the concerns of the north.

Somali tribes compete and form alliances to gain the upper hand over others outside of the power allocations specified in the constitution. All tribes are competing for the highest levels of authority within the state. Power sharing among tribes—whether right or wrong—has been instituted in the Somali constitution. It provides for the allocation of power to all tribes. In actuality, individual regions compete and form alliances to get more seats for their tribes through one or more forms of bribery. The wrangling among tribes in the south hasn’t settled and no southerner has power to influence the north.

The north is well presented in the southern government. Ali Khalif Galaydh, Foosiya Yusuf Haji Adan, Abdisalan Omar Hadliye, Mohamed Omar Arte Qalib and other prominent northerners are there to make sure that the north is well presented. “Northerners” are not marginalized and have never acted as one force collectively. The north is well-represented and no tribe is marginalized Samatar wants to reassert colonial boundaries based on treaties to which no Somali tribe ever agreed or made any formal commitment. The treaties confined tribes to certain areas and restricted their movements across different areas under the British, French, Italians and Ethiopians. The treaties never served the interests of the respective tribes; but served to trap them and restrict their grazing movements. Individuals were punished if they “trespassed” across the boundary lines. The British established garrisons at the borders to monitor tribal movements and grazing patterns to determine jurisdiction issue related to the various tribes. In some cases, they removed “unfriendly” tribes.

After Britain, Italy and France left Somalia, the boundary lines were not delineated officially; and the United Nations never officially demarcated new boundaries. They let old boundaries remain under the ambiguous title, “administrative lines.” On June 27, 1960, a day after the end of colonial rule in Somaliland, its thirty-three members of parliament unanimously passed the Act of Union with Southern Somalia, which included twenty-three articles in support of a Greater Somalia. Egal, the premier from the north, along with two members of the Somaliland parliament attended the Southern Somalia parliament session to approve the Act of Union. Egal reported that only two of the twenty-three articles passed and the rest were omitted. He didn’t specify the reasons why the articles were omitted. The premier never objected to this action, nor was there a public outcry as to why the articles from the north were rejected. Egal stated that he personally opposed the union as agreed, but was overridden by public euphoria.

The Act of Union became law in January of 1961. This document was the only document that genuinely represents purely Somali interests. Since it serves as the basis for resolving the current dispute, any action taken should be based on this document together with the interests and concerns of other tribes in the north who do not have a voice. This approach is highly preferable to simply refining leftover, non-representative “agreements” and documentation that a colonial power arbitrarily decided one hundred and twenty-five years ago.

Moving forward:
Colonial agreements or other treaties are not significant in the current Somali context. These treaties were not treaties between tribes. If treaties were “inheritable,” several tribes could claim that they had some kind of special relationship with a colonial power. After all, the tribes didn’t sign any treaties collectively as representing Somaliland.

The British, French and Italians signed independent agreements with some tribes to protect and safeguard colonial interests. Others have never signed treaties with any colonial power. It is meaningless to evoke what is essentially a one-sided, colonial-era document which none of the tribal elders was able to read, since they were unable to read and write English. Somaliland is purely tribal; and colonial boundaries are unable to serve the agenda of Somaliland’s various tribes. If we are to rise above trivial bickering, we must look more carefully at what is happening regionally.

Both Kenya and Ethiopia have enormous populations much larger than Somalia and Somaliland. Somalis have important real estate and it is critical to recognize that they must rise above tribal interests in order to utilize this strategic real estate. They must think through and settle their disputes. Continuous war and the establishment of fiefdoms will only set them back.

A strategy is needed to save the whole nation without favoring a particular tribe or group of tribes. Stalemate will damage both Somaliland and Somalia. There is significant potential for growth in agriculture, livestock, oil, renewable resources, and maritime commerce. Some form of integration between the north and south is inevitable.

To date, federalism is working well for some tribes, while for others it has become hell on earth—especially for those minority groups whose land has been trampled. An indigenous initiative is badly needed to improve tribal relations and restore healthy statehood—something like, for example, the Borama Conference of 1990.

The outcome of that conference was a firm commitment to forgiveness, clemency and moving forward. Modern politics is destroying Somalis. They need to return to their traditional conflict resolution techniques—the only approach that has proven effective over many decades of Somalia’s history and development. The old men with their hats and canes can once again do a better job than the intellectuals—who have been influenced and corrupted by a blend of modern politics and personal political greed. The goal of the intellectuals is to become personally famous rather than to be genuine, unselfish, servants of the people they aspire and purport to lead.

By Zakaria Saeed

For a quarter of a century our beloved nation has experienced all kinds of natural and manmade disasters. Droughts have taken the lives of tens of thousands of Somalis’. We have had nuclear waste dumped off our coasts which led to increased cancer rates in coastal population. This in turn resulted in piracy which cost the international community billions of dollars. The disastrous Ethiopian invasion in 2006 resulted the rise of Muslim extremism , the Al Shabab, and in the deaths of many innocent Somalis’ in what was a deliberate targeting of civilian neighborhoods. With all these problems in Somalia, why has there been no leadership to address these serious crisis? Why is the international community in the lead when it comes to Somalia, and not Somalis themselves?

somalia_famine_woman_33Somalia is no longer a “failed state;” but we have progressed into a “fragile state”. The fragile status of Somalia will remain for some time due to the enormous problems the country is faced with. These problems, no matter how daunting, can be tackled and solved. For example, food insecurity should not be a problem in Somalia. We have two rivers and plenty of arable land. We have more livestock than there is Somalis’ in Somalia. As a matter of fact, Somalia has one of the highest livestock to population ratio. An absolute abundance of fish stocks which could feed 4 times the size of the Somali population makes the issue of food insecurity so irrelevant.

As to the problem of terrorism, it could be manageable. The group al-Shabaab is approximately 5000-7000 rag-tag militia, which means its ability to fight, is greatly over exaggerated by the media. Ethiopia and Kenya both have nefarious plans to subdue and dominate the Somali people, yet we have “presidents” going to these countries as if they have our best interests in mind. What other country in the world has five “presidents”? Do they not understand by going to foreign countries and meeting with their political representatives, they are undermining the authority of the very country they are a part of?

Leadership Crisis

Our main political crisis rests in the lack of strong leadership. The current political leaders in Somalia have never won an open election. Their mandate to lead was never given by popular consent, meaning they are not accountable to the people. They are only accountable to those who put them in power which by and large means are elders or corrupt MP’s. Not all MP’s are corrupt, there are those who are working hard, but it is a fact there are corrupt elements.

Take Hassan Sheikh for example. He came into power with the hope of a large part of Somali society. He was an educator with no leadership background and was not known to many people. Why elect someone you don’t know anything about, it doesn’t make sense. I was against any Somali winning the presidency who had stayed in Somalia during the civil war. The reason being is that those who stayed lived in an environment where the rule of law did not exist. To have someone become president of Somalia who lived in this environment would only end in failure. Many including my friends did not agree with me at all and encouraged me to support Hassan Sheikh when he came to office. I refused knowing that Somali leadership should be sourced from the diaspora, from Somalis who understand the concept of good governance and rule of law. Unfortunately I was proven to be right; Hassan Sheikh disappointed the Somali people.

The presidency of Hassan Sheikh has been mired with allegations of corruption. Leaving aside the biased and erroneous UN reports, take for example the creation of SOMA Oil & Gas. When Hassan Sheikh visited the UK in early 2013, there was no company by that name at all, it did not exist. After his visit by August of 2013 the SFG was signing exploration deals with this company which materialized out of thin air. This company has zero history or proven track record of oil exploration. The race for control of Somalia’s resources has been enabled by the current Somali president. Why would anyone bother with oil & gas contracts when the country is in such poor shape? This is a hallmark of poor leadership and shady deals. The company is exclusively focused on Somalia only. What a surprise! Could this be a sign of corruption?

Also a company run by ex-British soldiers has been given exclusive rights over Somalia’s fish stocks. Who would give control of Somali resources to foreigners? The answer is simple; the leadership of Somalia does not represent the Somali people. They represent special interest both foreign and domestic.

Weak Central Government

The international community ( IC) comes to us with both positive and negative consequences. The positive aspect of the IC is that, we have generous support from both Western & Eastern countries. However, the negative side effect is that our current political leaders do not have the free will to run the country as they please, the international community puts a lot of limits on their power, which is a good thing considering the makeup of Somalia’s current political establishment . Foreign countries are vying for influence in Somalia. The UAE for example, has contributed a lot to Somalia’s’ security sector, but it is more interested in Somalia’s’ ports more than the people. Djibouti revoked DP Worlds contract at Doraleh due to corruption, which upset Dubai. Since then the UAE has actively been bypassing the SFG & going to the regional states.

They have already made clear they want to operate three of Somalia’s’ ports namely Berbera, Bosaso & Kismayo. Foreign governments, no matter how friendly, should not bypass the SFG under any circumstances. This can be attributed to a lack of leadership at the Federal level giving donor countries the impression that weakness can be exploited for personal gain.
We cannot impeach Hassan Sheikh because there is no constitutional court in Somalia. His former Justice Minister Farah crippled a lot of judicial reforms needed in Somalia, which is what led the previous PM Abdiweli to shuffle the cabinet and replace Farah to the livestock portfolio. This was a legal right of the PM to reshuffle the cabinet, based on Somalia’s constitution. Little did the Somali people know that this cabinet reshuffle would bring down Abdiweli’s government and lead to his impeachment. Hassan Sheikh fought tooth and nail to have the former PM voted out of office over a cabinet reshuffle. Why is Hassan so close to Farah that he would cripple the nation? Is Farah pulling the strings of Hassan Sheikh? This question was answered when the third PM Omer Abdirashid , in less than two years, re appointed Farah as Justice Minister in his cabinet, along with other ministers who were previously sacked! The corruption was there for everyone to see, and finally the parliament stood its ground and threatened to reject the cabinet if certain individuals were included. At the end of the day Somalis’ must come to the realization that a president who would cripple the progress of the country over a cabinet reshuffle is not really working in Somalis’ interests.

The myth of leadership in Somalia is shown by Hassan Sheikh, Ahmed Madobe, Sharif, Gaas, and Silanyo. Five presidents for one country. We have certain representatives of clans claiming to be “presidents” with no authority from the people. It must be emphasized that most of these individuals have never won an open election, they were all selected. Silanyo won votes mainly from his clan members who make up the majority in North Western Somalia. In Hargeysa there are three political parties, all with leaders from the same clan. So there is a myth of democratic choice and free will for certain clans, politically in the north of Somalia.

In Search of Good Leadership

There is hope though. All over the world there are many Somali people who show leadership qualities that are found in true statesmen. The question is who are these people? Do we know them? Do we follow their activism and their analysis of the concrete problems the nation is facing? Many Somali politicians back home are infected by Qabil; they are too clan-oriented and this is a threat to our nation. We need people whose strength comes from somewhere else than from the power of their clan, and who are not infected with clan-cancer. We need a leader who is not afraid to speak his mind and lead the country. We need leadership.

In an accidental way, I came across a video some time ago, and it made me optimistic about our future leaders. It was at Fagaaraha,  a forum for Somali political advocacy and dialogue which takes place throughout North America. It was here at the Fagaaraha where for the first time I was introduced to Faisal Roble. I have never seen or met the man in person, but for a fact he has the leadership qualities Somalia needs. He is confident and he speaks his mind with conviction, which is crucial for Somalia at this moment. Somalia needs someone who won’t play games like orchestrating the impeachment of two PM’s. He understands the legal aspects of government like the constitution, and understands the importance of federal member states. His work experience in the United State is vast and unparalleled. He knows all about warlord politics and the misguided policies of the SNM and the conspiracy of domination and separatism.  A scholarly piece of work written by him and a must read for all Somalis is on the challenges facing the secessionist camp and the oneness of the Somali nation.

The most important part about Fasial is he is an honest Somali who loves his people and wants to see them prosper. The leadership qualities of Fasial are not available in Somalia today.

Abukar Arman is another unique man. He is intelligent and soft spoken. He is a leading advocate for Somali sovereignty. He always talks about the need for peace, but he also points out the hard truths which Somalis’ tend to ignore. He openly informs the Somali people through his articles about the threat posed by irresponsible “presidents” and “politicians”. He accurately describes Ethiopia and Kenya’s threat to our country.

Moreover, Abukar tries to educate Somalis’ that they do not want to see a strong Somalia; they want a weak Somalia that they control or no Somalia at all! Yet we have “presidents”  who believe that these countries as if they have our best interests in mind.  Abukar’s  advice unfortunately does not seem to be reaching those in Somalia. Abukar is one of Somalia’s future leaders who I hope gets more involved in Somalia on the ground. We must support individuals like him because of the vision he holds – a vision that calls for a Somalia which is at peace with itself.

There are many other Somali leaders who I have not named such as Dr. Sadia Ali Aden. I would have to write another article on Somali women with leadership qualities just to do them justice. There are many Somali women who would be a great asset to our nation if they were given a chance to be a part of the leadership process.

This article should be clear to all those reading it that the current crop of leadership in Somalia is a myth, it doesn’t exist. Somalia’s future leaders are those who have been away from the ills of civil war. They are the Somalis in the diaspora, those who have lived in countries where the rule of law exists. Our future as Somalis’ must be defined by us Somalis. Somalis in the diaspora have as much a right to be leaders of Somalia as anyone else. The only difference is you get a better crop of leadership

Zakaria Saeed
Email: zakariasaeed4@gmail.com

WHERE IS THE “UMMAH”?

Wednesday, 04 September 2013

Author / Source: Enayet Rasul BHUIYAN

One by one, countries with Muslim majority populations are getting devastated.  First was the fratricidal  eight years long conflict between Iran and Iraq in the eighties that turned into rubble two of Middle East’s  and the world’s most promising and prosperous states. Then  there was Iraq conquered and turned into a wasteland in 1991 by a US-led coalition of mainly western  countries on the pretext of finding  there weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in  the hands of a hated and unreliable dictator.   The former Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan in 1979 for nearly a decade. After the Soviet withdrawl Afghanistan was again invaded by a US-led coalition of countries in 2001 on charges that it sheltered the Al Qaeda. The invasion, occupation and scale of the related destructions of Afghanistan by the two superpowers hardly have parallels in history.

The world witnessed foreign military intervention in Libya in August, 2011 that similarly led to great suffering of its people. That country is still in the throes of instability and conflict. Recently, Egypt, one of the world’s most populous Muslims inhabited countries has sunk into a whirlpool of violence and uncertainty.  And now, another important Muslim country, Syria, that has seen the death of more than 100,000 of its people from its senseless civil war, is getting ready to suffer massive aerial bombardment by mighty USA supported probably by some of its allies on allegations of use of chemical weapons.

Some analysts are prone to seeing a huge conspiracy in this parade of Islamic countries getting so badly battered one after another. They contend that at the back of it is a Zionist conspiracy or a CIA conspiracy. But how valid would be these assumptions? The conspiracies are probably there. But it cannot be said either that leaders, elites and peoples of these Islamic countries have nothing to do with the creation of their own miseries. An impartial and truly dispassionate examination of the events that led to the bleeding of Muslim countries would reveal that notwithstanding suspicions of foreign designs against them, the jingoism of leaders and untamed passions or poor understanding and responses to issues by people of   Muslim countries have been contributory in the main for their suffering and troubles. Take for instance, Egypt’s decision in 1967 to block shipping in the Gulf of Aqba and to deny Israel its right of passage to sea that precipitated the June, 1967 war between Arabs and Israelis that within a week reduced the otherwise proud, populous and resourceful Muslim Arab neigbours of Israel into humble submission. Tiny pre-war Israel emerged several times larger in territory and the entire Muslim Middle East became completely helpless or vulnerable before the might of Israel.

The insecurity of the Arab countries as a whole have not improved any since 1967. Only Egypt was smart and pragmatic enough to negotiate with Israel and get back its entire occupied Sinai Peninsula from Israel. But the West Bank of Jordan and the Golan Heights of Syria remain under Israel’s occupation and a systematic annexation process mainly due to the confrontationist posture with Tel Aviv sustained by these Arab countries.

The return of Sinai to Egypt was brokered by former US President, Jimmy Carter, in 1978, through the famous Camp David agreement. This happened because Egypt’s the then leadership was amenable to Carter’s constructive persuasion.

Another US President, Bill Clinton, came very close to clinching a similar deal between Palestinians and Israel in January, 2001 that would lead to realizing of Palestinian statehood from Israeli withdrawal from most of the occupied West Bank. But in the eleventh hour the deal was torpedoed by Yasir Arafat on the ground that it did not include full return of Jerusalem to the Arabs.

Clinton’s plan was for internationalization of Jerusalem’s status with control of their holy places respectively by Jews, Muslims and Christians. Needless to say, agreeing to that deal would have eliminated a great threat to Middle Eastern security and world peace. The Arabs and Palestinians are certainly no better off now.

A faction of the Palestinians under Mahmoud Abbas is now engaged in a process of getting some territories from Israel and call it a Palestinian state. But that territory in size would be far smaller and humbled by other factors compared to the one that Israelis were ready to offer in 2001. As it is, the Arab-Israeli confrontation adds nothing to promoting the longer term interests of the Arabs. Israel is the only country in the Middle East which has nuclear weapons. If threatened physically, it would not hesitate to use them as a last resort. In that case, the Arab countries will have no victory to cherish. Also, if the US gets embroiled in an all-out military conflict with the Arab world to save Israel, then that would cause the greatest destruction in Arab countries and not in the US.  In whatever way one looks at it, the Arabs stand no chance of sustainably humiliating Israel and the USA militarily. They will only compound their security problems in trying this and also contribute too dangerously to undermining international peace and security.

The Japanese were nuked by the US in World War II. But instead of settling on a course of taking revenge, the Japanese in the post-war period wisely embarked on a pacific policy and steps for economic advancement. The same paid off handsomely and within two decades Japan became an economic superpower next only to the US.  The former enemies became the best of friends. Both countries profited from such a transformed relation in all respects. Also, the world as a whole gained from this drastic change from their previous adversarial relations. But can we expect such a change of hearts, minds and visions on the part of the leadership of many so called Islamic countries? If not, then who is to be blamed?

The Islamic Republic of Iran under its former President threatened to wipe Israel off the face of the earth in a surge of pan-Islamic emotion. Israel occupies Arab lands and the people there are Sunni Muslims whereas the Iranians are racially different from Arabs and they profess the Shia Islamic faith.   But ultra Islamist Iran is seen not feeling any twinge of conscience as it extends whole-hearted military support to Syria’s Bashar-Al-Assad’s Shia dominated regime to carry out murderous attacks on the largely Sunni dominated  population of the country. The Shia-Sunni factor is taking precedence over the Pan Islamic cause in this case. The Iran-Iraq war led to millions of deaths of Shia and Sunni Muslims on both sides of the borders in Iran and Iraq respectively. In this case also, the overriding Muslim identities of the peoples of the two countries got no consideration from their leaders. Earlier, Sunni Muslims led Iraq invaded and occupied Sunni Muslims inhabited Kuwait. The invading Iraqi troops engaged in large scale looting and also raping the women of their Sunni Kuwaiti brethren. So, one finds no trace of the concept of the vaunted Islamic ‘ummah’ in all these. The concept was thought of as Muslims peoples the world over (regardless of the religious factions such as Shia and Sunni in which they are divided) formed a single community with shared interests and values.

The concept of the ummah was reflected in the formation of the grouping of 57 Muslim countries forming a common platform called the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) in Rabat, Morocco in September 1969. Earlier the Israelis were alleged to have desecrated the holy Al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem and the formation of the OIC was largely inspired by that event.

But apart from rhetorical and ritualistic denunciation of Israel in its meetings, this organization that later changed its name to Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in 2010, is seen as doing little or nothing to secure or promote the real longer term interests of Muslim peoples.  It seems still anchored to a dream of mainly crushing Israel and the takeover of Jerusalem’s control by Arabs whereas it could do so much to really accelerate developments leading to human resources development in Muslim countries, full harnessing of the natural resources of these countries, the creation of an Islamic common market, a common defense policy, greater transnational flows of capital and labour among OIC members and so on.

The doing of these things well would individually and collectively strengthen the Muslim countries.  But efforts to these ends still remain limited to tokenism while no slack is seen in vainly flexing muscles against Islam’s imagined and real enemies. The present Syrian crisis is now threatening wider regional stability. Some observers even prophecy a global conflagration of sorts over developments in Syria. But what the OIC has done so far to put a hard brake on this perilous drift in Syria and work for a permanent cessation of violence and destruction there? Nothing practically. So, one is rightly tempted to question: where is the ummah?

 

On 20th May, I listened to a jumble of meaningless words, by a man called Hassan Issa, released on few media outlets. In the first place, the decision to publish such a drivel by some media circles is as unnecessary as it is equally unethical and irresponsible.

The present Somaliland media outlets tend to be too propagandistic to be read, viewed or listened to. The writers never try to make serious effort to collect and sift information, rejecting the spurious inaccuracies and biases and committing the corrected facts for release.

Mostly, they follow clannish, individualistic and group interest footmarks. However and unfortunately for the people in that region, there are seems no other alternatives at all when it comes to local news.

In our modern era, the media is indisputably an instrument of war. This is because winning modern political wars is as much dependent on carrying domestic and international public opinion as it is on defeating the enemy on the battlefield.

For that reason, the local media circles remain essential, regardless of the intentions and believes of those who handle them. However, their responsibility to give an impartial and balanced assessment of issues is in serious doubt. In many occasions, as in this case, we become shocked when they portray themselves as extremely ignorant, unprofessional and against all codes of broadcasting ethics and conduct.

Those information windows characterized themselves as though they are tribal cults filled with contentious reports for delirious confused members. Many of these frames, with few exceptions, don’t give the least care to the contents of the published material.

In the case of Hassan, all what he said is no more than a bag of foul air from his empty head. In many times, we come across people who are hard to forget. Well, not always because they are helpful or bequeath us with some wonderful experiences, but sometimes because they give us unforgettable awful experiences with their utterly bad behavior and selfish characteristics.

A man of principle is an individual whose life adheres to and is conditioned to human values and morals and follows such convictions to their full. According to human laws and rules for right conduct, the moral principle is a guide. Where is that? Lost for sure…

As an accepted or professed rule of conduct, a person with fake moral principles, like Hassan, is rejected in any society. Hassan tries to appease the agony of his own clan whose suffering under Silanyo rule is on its peak.

Such callous talk mean nothing, but only a renewal of the old cover up ruling gang strategies. It is a weak attempt to dissuade the eyes of people away from the facts on the ground….the fast growing Habarjeclo dynasty by beating the fake old drums….enemies, tribes, we….we…are the only. Here are only a few:

 

– Habarjeclo warlords transfer millions of dollars to overseas banks by imposing fake Somaliland shilling in the local money markets.

– Almost all private profitable financial institutions are exclusively for the Siilaanyo team, in Hargeisa, Berbera, Burao and surprisingly Tugwajale, far away.

– All international aided public (governmental) projects go under the direct supervision of the presidency, Siilaanyo and his close associates.

– Hirsi is the only man who has the power to pocket hundreds of thousands of dollars from Berbera port authorities. He distributes to further their maintain power.

– Dahabshiil’s popular role is to pay clan leaders to silence peoples’ up-rise when people feel the pain of the corruption, hunger and poverty. The pre-paid suldans like Hassan, then go to TV stations and silence their people pointing finger at unjustified enemies at the gates of Somaliland. The common voices repeat how this peace was reached (sidii nabaddna lagu keenay). Where is peace when people live as destitute in their own country? Peace means peace of mind, health, education, jobs and justice for all. See WHO report, www.who.int/mental_health/somaliland

– The average income of Somaliland administration employee is less one dollar a day and the majority of families live below the poverty line.

Hassan and many like mind impaired thinkers believe that they overthrew the defunct regime of Siyad Barre. That is not true. That system failed itself because of ill-advice from those who were in the walls of the ruling palace.

It is the same ill-advise, the bad mouth, the foul air, the distortions, the sick mind…..people like Hassan are fooling and failing the Silanyo system. The cracks in the walls are seen from everywhere outside and cover-ups, like this one will not work. It didn’t work for those who were in the iron gates of Haille Sellassie, Mengistu, Siyad Barre, Ghadaafi, Mubarak…count them…

We lost reasoning when Hassan points finger at Awdal. This civilian population was not armed when mercilessly attacked in their grazing areas, farms, homes and public roads. SNM were supposed to fight government stations, not their neighbors. We all know that Awdal were only trying to defend them-selves and were never offensive.

Hassan and his heartless team were those who massacred the innocent civilians of Awdal people. The death, the rape and the destruction of Awdal populations are long forgiven by Awdalians in the so-called peace and reconciliation conference in Borama in 1993.

 

 

Awdal are the true forgivers and here are the backing reasons.

Instead of directing their war on the government and its forces, SNM began to kill the unarmed Samaroon and other neighboring civilian populations. Awdalians were never on the offensive but on defense on legitimate reasons.

– Hassan should and his team never admitted the death and the destruction that SNM forces did to their neighbors. They wiped out whole towns, villagers and even worshippers in mosques.

– Today, they tell the international community that they were the only people who suffered under the previous regime.

– They don’t acknowledge the fact that one bad Somali government had destroyed not only Hargeisa, but all Somalia and the capital Mogadishu was heavily bombarded for months.

– They don’t try to understand that bad governance ruined many countries in the world and Somalia is not the first country. Today, they have another bad one in their hands in Hargeisa but do they want to see it?

In 1991, after the collapse of the Somali government, SNM militia backed by Ethiopian Mengistu overran the Samaroon’s main city, Borama. They killed hundreds, ransacked homes, looted all business stores and displaced the city population. On their way to Borama, they demolished the historic adjacent town of Dila completely. Samaroon was only a peaceful and helpful neighbor and not a government. Why SNM was fighting their neighbors is still unknown to most of them and a mystery to other Somalis.

After the Civil War

In 1992, SNM proclaimed ‘Somaliland” a separate state from Somalia, forcing Samaroon and other tribes to join the illegal declaration. In a short time, the different Isaaq tribes started to clash with each other for power struggle. The whole country was again awash with guns, looters, rapists and road blockers. Roads were impassable with checkpoints by various clan gang members who claimed the road passages as their territory. At broad daylight, wild gunmen overpowered the president, Abdirahman Ahmed and his guards when he walked away from his car. At that point, members from neighbouring Isaaq elders approached Samaroon leaders for help. Samaroon decided to forgive the past and to mend fences with their SNM neighbours. From there, they stepped in and began their long journey of hope to negotiate peace between Isaaq fighting groups.

Two loaded buses of elders, with white flags, left Borama. In a short time, they were successful to accomplish inter-clan peace in Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao. After that, they organised another meeting in Sheikh as a platform for a country wide conference. More than 150 delegates gathered in sheikh and decided to hold a general peace conference. At that point, the conference hosting clan became an issue of serious debate. Each clan was reluctant to be the guest to the other as there was no trust among the Isaaqs. Proposals like Hargeisa, Burao, Berbera and Gabiley were all declined by one group or the other. As a last resort, Borama, the Samaroon city, was proposed as the hosting region and all delegates unanimously accepted with applause. As a result, In 1993, a long five-month conference in Borama succeeded to draft the terms of the first functional administration for today’s Somaliland system.

In addition to the Samaroon people’s sincerity, their land was the only perfect place for peace conference. They had a 21 member council of leaders that worked as their legislative body. In all inter-clan matters and in other related issues, the council’s decision was final. Nobody could dare to violate the laws that the council approved. The people had their own policing system with each clan leader responsible for the actions of his people and that eliminated lawlessness. Furthermore, Borama was the only town with electricity power in northern Somalia and there were dozens of international aid agencies. The airport was functional at its full capacity with a fair number of passenger and cargo aircrafts each day.

How Samaroon in Somaliland got the wrong reward for doing the right thing.

In exchange for their good work, Samaroon got the wrong reward when:

– Within few months, their Borama busy airport was closed and all flights and passengers were re-routed to Hargeisa airport.

– All international aid agencies were ordered to move from Borama to Hargeisa.

– Samaroon business people were forced to use the Berbera sea port where they are mugged and sometimes killed. In Nov. 2011, the latest victim on that road was a truck driver who was shot dead by road control soldier in bribe dispute.

– Isaaq occupied 95% of the Somaliland administration, the congress, the parliament, the armed forces, the security, the judicial and financial systems.

– A 10 million dollar aid from Kuwait government was Somalilnad infrastructure investment. That money went to the extension of Hargiesa and Berbera airports. In contrast, Awdal people and Diaspora struggled to finish a four kilometer road between Dila an Borama. Borama Airport is closed and all roads are unfit for travel. One of Awdal’s renowned doctors died very recently on those extreme roads.

– A 30 million European Union and UN funded water project is improving the water systems of the ruling clan towns of Hargeysa, Erigavo, Burao and Togwajale.

– Khalifa bin Zayed Charity Foundation has completed 20 large water basins/dams west of Hargeisa and 14 water wells in the north of the city. The foundation has also drilled 9 new water wells and watershed basins in Burao.

– In July 2009, business travellers were stopped in public road. Four of them were taken to the bush, murdered in cold blood and their bodies mercilessly mutilated.

– Students came out in masses in protest against July ugly killings, raised the Somali flag and denounced the separatist authority. SNM militia, angered by the sight of the blue flag, opened fire on demonstrators when a young boy was shot dead. The young martyr died with his right hand still clinging with his national flag.

– Within the last few years, 13 people are killed in the area of Seemaal. Three of them were cut into pieces with an axe while they were sleeping. The killers were identified by the “Somaliland” Interior Minister on the TV news. Killers are still at large in their tribal enclave safe haven.

– Samaroon public and others are denied to claim their Somali identity and none can dare to keep the blue flag. From 18 to 22 May, 2012, more than 50 students are taken prisoners. Always, there are large numbers of political prisoners, simply for denying the separatist policy or for having the Somali national flag.

– On regular basis, news reporters are arrested and tortured. In March 2012, Mohamed Abdirahman Ismail was arrested in Borama, tortured repeatedly in jail and taken to Borama Hospital unconscious.

In conclusion

After so much suffering in a quarter of a century, our people were supposed to make their endeavor to a qualitative difference to society, by reawakening the spirit of solidarity and brotherhood on the basis of a common humanity. That would have brought the people together as one collective soul with life for all.

The spoilers like Hassan, Bixi, Kahin and their team could have a better life and out of the dirt but the question is, did they ever tried a way out?. That requires real sacrifices and courage. Do they have the courage to be strong, wise and out of the murky way? For sure, they have to realize this is not working and there is a better way for all. If not, they are digging the grave and preparing their downfall in their own hands

In today’s leadership, we don’t need narcissistic leaders, impaired thinkers and ill-advisors who run for their personal gains. We need leaders with vision, who can learn from the past mistakes and who can lead their people through the 21stcentury with courage and confidence.

Osman Elmi elmi1949@hotmail.ca

That is why emotional somalilanders suspended rational analysis, independent judgment, and conscious decision making about what they are hearing or taking in. They, therefore, have lost the boundaries between what they wished to be true and what is true. From there

In Greek mythology, a man called Odyssey lost 20 years in unknown seas on his return from Troy to Ithaka. In his absence, it is assumed he has died, and his wife Penelope and son Telemachus must deal with a group of unruly suitors, who compete for Penelope’s hand in marriage. His son was in process for adoption.

On Odyssey’s arrival in Ithaka, large number of people were in procession to see him alive. They heard his story for a long and they were for curiosity. Odyssey who admitted symptoms of identity crisis during his absence, did not care about who married his beloved Penelope or the adoption and the identity change of his son, Telemachus.

He was very happy to see the many people who greeted him. That is all what he wanted. Ahmed’s Penelope is already in the hands of another suitor. She waited him for many years when he got lost in his imaginary fantasies.

This journey, as seen by many, is on the 11th hour when the clock is ticking fast and loud….right to the end of the game. It is also a surprise to many who didn’t know the Professor and who are learning now. However, those who know him expected it as it happened. From a Somali president ambition to a drummer in the underworld of Somaliland is a very big flat and splash.

For more than quarter of a century, this part of the country has changed into medieval cult. Its leaders and elders had become masters of the folk art of human manipulation. They modify their approaches and techniques and use centuries-old manipulative talk to lead people to the ditches. There is no limit to the ways they can learn to manipulate others, especially when they don’t have the conscience.
They use two main methods of persuasion techniques which are (1) emotional manipulation (2) and distortions of historical facts. No matter which techniques those cult leaders have used, other Somalis have seen the resultant behavioral change of the people from that region.
In the first technique, emotional manipulation, leaders put people in a psychological hypnosis. The opium of tribalism is the tool and, subsequently, the main obstacle to the rational thinking. This is essentially a highly mental focused concentration in which the leader occupies the minds. On the other side, the population blindly follows their leaders, suspending judgment, reasoning and peripheral awareness. That is how the leaders, in this cultic environment, manipulated a vulnerable society implanting suggestions tailored to their personal agenda

In the second method, people are brainwashed and are impaired. This is a phenomenon in which everyone’s consciousness or awareness is modified. In that case, people’s awareness seems to split as their active critical-evaluative thinking dims. They then slip from an active into a passive-receptive mode of mental processing and listen or look without reflection, evaluation and logic.

The craze, and the imaginations are business as usual. Starting from the SNM campaign in 1980s till this present day, the distortions are the rule. They hide the real truth about the history of the region and its people, about what happened in the whole country of Somalia, about what happened in the civil war and about everything they share with other Somalis. Only one window is open from there, young and old learn the cult culture and nothing beyond.

That is why emotional somalilanders suspended rational analysis, independent judgment, and conscious decision making about what they are hearing or taking in. They, therefore, have lost the boundaries between what they wished to be true and what is true. From there, Imagination and reality intertwined and their mental processor gear shifted permanently into receptivity, leaving active mental processing out of position.

The cult manipulative talk was always out of proportion but went overboard few days ago. That was when Faysal Ali Warabe equated Christianity and Somalism. He argued that anyone who chooses somalism against Somaliland is like a convert from Islam to Christianity. This means that Somaliland is a religious cult. Whether that is sane or insane, I will leave it to the readers. Is that a leader or a cult leader?

In our modern world, the word cult in its current popular usage is a reference term for a new religious whose beliefs or practices are considered abnormal or bizarre by the larger society. It is generally characterized with great devotion to the group’s spurious ideas. Such blind devotion is regarded as a craze.
After so much suffering in a quarter of a century, our people were supposed to make their endeavor to a qualitative difference to society, by reawakening the spirit of solidarity and brotherhood on the basis of a common humanity. That would have brought the people together as one collective soul with life for all.

Those cult leaders like Silanyo, Saleiman, Hirsi, Biixi, Kahin and their team could have a better life for their people and even for themselves. The question is, did they ever try a way out? That requires real sacrifices and courage. Do they have the courage to be strong, wise and out of the murky way? For sure, they by now have realized that this is not working and there is a better way for all. For them, it seems too late because they have been brainwashing their people for a quarter of a century.

In today’s leadership, we don’t need cult leaders whose minds can’t judge between reality and fiction. We need leaders who can understand between reality and imagination and who shift people’s minds from the receptivity position to active processing.

Jamal Hassan jamal_hassan@hotmail.ca

Source: hiiraan.com

by Said Ahmed Salah Sunday, March 31, 2013

“Of all ignorance, the ignorance of the educated is the most dangerous.  Not only are educated people likely to have more influence, they are the last people to suspect that they don’t know what they are talking about when they go outside their narrow fields.” — Thomas Sowell

 

Somalia has everything it needs for regaining momentum to succeed at this juncture of its turbulent history, with one exception: critical masses of thinkers, analysts and policy specialists who can help unleash the creative potential of the Somali people and build a functioning government and policy structures that will facilitate a new wave of nationalism and successes in nation building. Figuring out of  why so many of our intellectuals and  experts are so poorly equipped to play a constructive role-and figuring out how to develop the leadership we currently lack- may be the single most important work Somalis need to work on right now.

I think that Somalia is walking on a thorny road, and that we are stuck with a tribal-based model that doesn’t work, or, may I say that can’t go toe-in-toe with a modern national life. No matter how we try to numerically simplify, or amplify our tribal base structures (4.5, 5,), or give a particular spin on the importance, or no-importance of “federalism”, the tribal-based governance model is about to fail. I have no desire to inundate you on the relevance of this argument; we all could see how the gathering storms would look like. Unless we tend to betray our senses, we live in a modern era in which tribal affinity and existing tribal structures make no sense any more. Our social unity demands emphasis of modern concepts and social constructs such as businesses, professional structures, citizenship, or families.

There is a great deal of work ahead to enable us meet the challenges. I am optimistic that we, as a people, can make the right moves. Our people are stronger than they know. Our culture of enterprise and risk-taking is still strong: a critical mass of Somalis still has the values and characteristics that helped us form the Somali Republic in the first place, and to overcome the challenges of the last two decades.

But when I look the problems we face, I worry. It is not that our national life and cohesiveness is eroding, because we committed sins of pride, tribalism and sectarianism, and that, so far, our leaders are short of offering a perspective that provides some coherence to politics and current events. And it is not about the hefty task of reconstruction: we can and will deal with that if we get our policies and politics right.  And it is certainly not the blatant international meddling of our affairs: Our neighbors and the rest of the world will afford us mutual respect and weigh our wishes once we make proper footing.

No, what worries me most today is the state of the people who should be the natural leaders of the next Somali transformation: our intellectuals and professionals: sons and daughters of Somalia who lost track of the important issues. Not all of them, I hasten to say: we have great scholars and some daring thinkers, who, at minimum, keep on writing on the rough-and-tumble of Somali politics.

But the sad reality today is that so many of Somalia’s best-educated, best-placed people are too invested on old social models and primordial values to do a real job and help Somalia transition to the next level. Instead of opportunities for change they see threats; instead of hope they see danger; instead of healing a broken nation they inflame gaping wounds; and instead of the possibility of progress they duel on revisionism, and the undoing of everything that was true and worthy to stand.

Too many of the very people who should be leading the country in to a process of renewal that would allow us to harness the full power of modern knowledge and technology and make the average person incomparably better off and more in control of his or her own destiny than ever before, are devoting their considerable talent and energy to petty squabbles, trivial chatter and tribal pontification that relives the ugly past rather than to transcend it.

Even though higher learning has flourished among generations of Somalis who were lucky enough to migrate to a number of key receiving countries, including the United States, Canada, and Europe. Yet, a significant number have shown a feeling that they are generally not concerned, may I say sufficiently, with Somalia’s rebirth, perhaps of vastly embedded mediocrity or a general tendency and inclination to express parochial loyalties and sentiments that favor inter-tribe conflicts.

It is obvious we are still haunted by nomadic memories! Whenever and wherever our academics, professionals, leaders of the government interact and converse remains ravaged by baseless arguments and ad-hominem attacks. Rather than facing the stark reality of existing national problems, and finding cure for the political breakdown of the nation, the discourse tends dominated by the elastic tribal sense of grievance and victimhood, beneath which an inter-group hatred lurk.

This entails the rather disturbing recognition that we are more prone today (more than any other time), relinquishing our own sense of ‘Somali’ identity. . We cannot say for sure we have the right leaders to run the country. No one seems to know for sure what kind of government system we will have and survive in the long haul. It appears no one knows who will win or lose in both the distribution of political and economic power.

Somali politics became dominated by an unpleasant and destructive discourse, mixing self-pity and arrogance in equal parts. Each of our frequent failures has a pre-fabricated excuse; each of our occasional successes, generates significant controversy.

This problem will continue if the ruling elite limit their outreach, do not fully absorb the reality on the ground, and do not fully respect the lines of division drawn between them according to positions in the vertical and horizontal distribution of power. This problem will continue if the educated classes do not try to rectify their shortcomings, errors and failures of the entire Somali landscape and current political dispensation.


Said Ahmed Salah Sterling, VA USA Saidsalah12@gmail.com

 

Boqorro-kooxeedyadii Muslimiinta ee Andalus iyo Soomaalida Maanta

Hor Dhac

Taariikhdan aan soo koobay, oo ku saabsan boqorradii muslimiinta ee loo yaqaanay “Muluuk Attawaa’if” ama Boqorro-kooxeedyadii Andalus ka talin jiray, ugama jeedo in aan idinku daaliyo oo halkan ku taxo magacyada tobaneeye boqortooyo iyo dhacdooyin kun sano ka hore jiray oo laga soo gudbay, balse waxaan uga danleeyahay in aan inna xasuusiyo haddaan Soomaali nahay, sida dhacdooyinkii sababay in ay Andalus yeelato tobaneeye boqor ka dibna keentay burburkii dawladii islaamka ahyd ee beri ka talin jirtay deegaanka Andulus (oo ka mid ah Spain) iyo sida ay aadka ugu shabahdo waayaha maanta ka jira dalkii Soomaaliya la odhan jiray, si aynnu ugu cibro qaadanno, waa haddiiba ay jiraan kuwo cibro-qaadasho rabaaye! 

Waqtiyadii ay Muslimiintu qabsadeen Andalus, waxay ku beegnayd markii ay khalifaddii Umawiyiinta ee Dimishiq burburtay. Ka dibna amiir la odhan jiray Cabdiraxmaan Addaakhil oo Umawi ahaa ayaa ka baxsaday Dimishiq uu tagay Andalus ka dibna halkaa ka abuuray khilaafo (xukun) Umawiyiin ah oo isaga debadii muddo ka sii socotay, halka ay Baqdaadna ahayd xaruntii khilaafadii Cabaasiyiinta illaa ay aakhirkii burburiyeen ummaddii loo yaqaanay Mongooliyiintu. Awoodda xukunkii Umawiyiintuna wuxuu ku naf waayey magaalada Qorodoba oo ah deegaanka Andalus ah, meeshaasi oo ay ka dhismeen waxa loo yaqaano “muluukul Tawaaif” ama boqorro-kooxeedyo ay samaysteen kuwii uu xukunkii Umawiyiinta adeegsan jireen ee cududda iyo quwadda u ahaa.

Taariikhdii “Muluuku tawaa’if”  oo kooban

Taariikhdu waxay sheegaysaa in burburkii labadii dawladood ee islaamka ahaa, ee Umawiyiinta iyo Cabaasiyiinta, ay sabab u ahaayeen QABYAALAD, QARAABO KIIL, cunsuriyad iyo dagaalo KOOXEEDYO aan xukunka laysku ogolayn!

Muslimiintii Umawiyiintu markii ay ku guulaysteen in ay qabsadaan Andalus (Europe), waxa dadkii muslimimiinta ahaa ka dhex bilaabantay tartan loo galayo ciddii dadka xukumi lahayd. Tartankaasi wuxuu keenay in ay magaaladii Dimishuq ku burburto  khilaafadii Umawiyiintu. Intaa ka dib, ayuu Cabdiraxmaan Addakhil oo ameer ahaa ka baxsaday Dimishiq oo uu xukun ka dhistay Andalus si uu tartan weyn ula galo Cabaasiyiinti Baqdaad. Markii uu xoogeystay tartankii u dhexeeyey Cabaasiyiintii Baqdaad iyo Umawiyiintii Andalus, waxa kale oo ay qolo walba dhexdeeda la kulmeen dhibaatooyin la mid ah kuwii u dhexeeyey labadaa dawladood.

Cabaasiyiintii waxa dhexdooda ka qarxay dagaal u dhexeeyey carabtii iyo faarisiyiintii ciraaq ku noolaa, ninkii khaliifka ahaa oo la odhan jiray Al-mutawakal ayaa wuxuu soo kaxaystay turkiyiin uu askar ka dhigtay si ay ugu badbaadiyaan xukunkiisa. Muslimiin ayaa muslimiin loo adeegsaday! Sida maanta Soomaali Soomaali loogu adeegsanayo.

Andalusna waxa xoogaystay tartankii iyo dagaaladii u dhexeeyey carabta iyo barbariyiinta oo labaduba muslimiin ahaa, taasi waxay khalifkii Cabdiraxmaan Addaakhil ku khasabtay in uu soo kaxaysto dadkii aan carabta iyo barbariyiinta ahayn ee Andalus ku noolaa si uu xukunka u sii haysto!

Dagaaladaa iyo tartanadaa muslimiinta dhexdooda ee loo adeegsaday qabyaalada, kooxaysiga iyo xukun-jecaylku wuxuumuslimiintii ku abuuray tafaraaruq iyo itaal-darri keenty in Cabaasiyiintii ciraaq ay tirtiraan Mongooliyiintii, umawiyiintii Andalusna ay u kala burburto boqorro-kooxeedyo ay boqol iyo kontonkii killomitirba (every 150 km) yeelato boqor ka taliya oo cadaw ku ah boqorka kale ee muslimka ah ay is xigaan oo midba midka kale u adeegsado gaalada (sida maanta dad soomaali ahi u adeegsadaan xabashi ama kiiniyaati si uu uga adkaadaan Soomali kale!); taasi oo aakhirkii sababtay in ay iyagii is tirtireen oo dhulkii lagala wareega. Illaa la arkay boqoradii qaarkood oo ilmaynaya khasaarihi iyo jabkii ku dhacay awgeed! Sida laga wariyey hadal hal-hayn ah oo ku timid nin boqor Andalus ka ahaa oo ay hooyadii aragtay isaga oo ilmaynaya ka dibna ay ku tidhi erayo murti noqday oo ah: “xukunka aad sidii ragga u ilaashan weyday… sidii dumarka ugu ooy!”

Hadaba, Soomaali ciddii wax ku qaadanaysaay, boqorro-kooxeedyadii Anadalus ka jiray intii ugu caansanayd oo dhawr iyo toban boqortooyo ahaa waxay kala ahaayeen: reer Al’afdas, reer Qaaniya, reer Caamir, reer Cabaad, reer Tajiib, reer Al’aqlab, reer Raziin, reer Samaadix, reer Dinuun, reer Qaasim, reer Ziiri, reer Jahuur, reer Xamuud iyo reer Al’axmar!!!

Reerahaasi iyo xukunkoodii maanta waa wada tirtirmeen, waxa kale oo halkaa ku baaba’day fursadii islaamku uu maanta caalamka ku hogaamin lahaa!

Gabagabadii iyo gunaanadkii murtidu waxay tahay, marka lays barbar-dhigo taariikhdaa Anadalus iyo waayaha Soomaaliya maanta ka jira oo aad isugu dhaw, haddii ay taariikhdu macalin tahay, qabaa’ilka soomaaliyeed iyo xukunkooda qabyaaladda ku salaysani waxaan shaki ku jirin in ay tirtirmi doonaan; halkaana waxa ku baabi’i doona fursaddii ay Soomaali hormoodka ugu noqon lahayd mandaqadda geeska afrikay, waa haddii aanay MAANTA samaysan xukun midnimo Soomaaliyeed ku salaysan,  ee sidaa ha la ogaado!

Qalinkii: Cumar Xaaji Faarax

Qoraalkani wuxuu dhamaystir u yahay oo uu dabasocdaa qaybtii hore ee mawduucan oo aan kaga hadalnay in Ilaaahay Qur’aanka innoo sheegay in ay dadku yihiin labo nooc oo aan qaybtaa hore ku eegnay nooca hore oo ay si balaadhan u tilmaantay aayadda bilawga suuratul Baqarah ee:  “الدين يؤمنون بالغيب ويقيمون الصلاة و مما رزقناهم ينفقون”; macnaheeduna tahay:”kuwa aaminsan ‘qeeybka’ ee toosiya salaadda, isla markaana wax ka bixiya hantida uu Allah ku mannaystay”.

Hadaba qaybtan waxan si kooban ugu eegi doonaa nooc kale ee dadka oo kuwaa hore ka soo horjeeda:

Noocan labaad, Qur’aanku wuxuu (isla bilawga suuratul-Baqarah) u sii kala qaaday labo kooxood. Ta hore oo ah kuwa si aan leexleexad iyo gabaso lahayn u dafirsan Allah, iyo kuwa kale oo iyagu isku malaynaya in ay rumaysan yihiin oo ay noocii kowaad la mid yihiin balse aan dhab ahaan sidaa ahayn. Labadan kooxoodbana waxa xisaabtooda iyo cadaabtoodu ay u taallaa Allah oo qofka mu’minka ah wax xil ah oo ka saarani ma jirto mar haddii ay dhawrayaan ama ixtiraamayaan wada noolaashaha iyo amaanka guud iyo xoriyadda qofka.

Labada kooxooda ta dambe, ee noocan labaad ee dadka, waxa hoos imanayaa kuwa hab-dhaqankoodu muuqaal ahaan la mid yahay sida kuwa iimaanku u sugnaaday balse run ahaatii aanay shaqo ku lahayn, sida uu Allah ino cadeeyey:

(وَمِنَ النَّاسِ مَن يَقُولُ آمَنَّا بِاللَّهِ وَبِالْيَوْمِ الآخِرِ وَمَا هُم بِمُؤْمِنِينَ ، يُخَادِعُونَ اللَّهَ وَالَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَمَا يَخْدَعُونَ إِلاَّ أَنفُسَهُم وَمَا يَشْعُرُونَ )  aayadan oo macnaheedu tahay: “Dadka waxa ka mid ah kuwo odhanaya waxan aaminsannahay Allah iyo maalinta aakhiro, balse ma aha kuwo (dhab ahaan) aaminsan, waxay rabaan in ay dhalanteed u dhigaan Allah iyo inta rumaysay, run ahaantiise dhalanteed uma dhigayaan cid aan naftooda ahayn, mana dareensana”.

Dadkani waxay iska dhaadhiciyeen in ay saxsan yihiin oo ay runta ku joogaan. Bal aan eegno aayadda ku xigta: (وَإِذَا قِيلَ لَهُمْ لاَ تُفْسِدُواْ فِي الأَرْضِ قَالُواْ إِنَّمَا نَحْنُ مُصْلِحُونَ ، أَلا إِنَّهُمْ هُمُ الْمُفْسِدُونَ وَلَكِن لاَّ يَشْعُرُونَ ) oo macnuhu yahay “ Haddii lagu yiraahdo dhulka waxa yaalla ha qarribina,waxay odhanayaan sidaa ma ahee waan hagaajinaynaa, balse runtii waxay ahaadeen kuwo qarribaya, laakiinse ma dareemayaan”. Sidee bay u dareemi karaa mar haddiiba ay lumiyeen macnihii dhabta ahayd ee salaadda? Kuwaasi waa kuwo moodaya in xarakaatka ama dhaqdhaqaaqa salaadda ee ay la imanayaan in ay kaga mid noqdeen kuwa dhab u rumeeyey ee aan qaybtii hore ee qoraalka ku soo sheegnay.  Waxay u haystaan in ay xarkaatkaasi Illaahay u tusi karaan in ay waajibkiisii gudteen. Sidaa darteed, ma dareemayaan lunsanaantooda mar haddii ay u haystaan in xarakaatkaa ay la yimaadeen oo kaliya ay kaga dhantahay. Run ahaanse waxa waajib ah in ay si joogta ah Allah u xasuusnaadaan oo ay toosiyaan  salaadda dhabta ah (oo ah xiriirka qalbiga ee Allah ay la leeyihiin). Taas oo ah in xiriirkaasi ahaado awoodda ku dhaqaajinaysa in ay mar kasta la yimaadaan camal khayr ku jiro, masaakiinta oo loo gargaaro gaal iyo muslimba, iyo in aan laga faa’idaysan oo aan la dulmiyin dadka itaalka daran ama danyarta ah iyadoo dan shakhsi ah lagu gaarayo, sida dhaqanka u ah dad soomaali ah oo ama hab siyaasadeed ama hab diineed ugu adeegta dano gaar ah iyagoo ku andacoonaya in dan guud wadaan!!!

Iimaanka Allah ee dhabta ahi, ma aha in dikriga Allah carrabka lagu celceliyo oo kaliya ama islaamnimo la sheegto oo muuqaal ahaan laysku ekaysiiyo, mana aha kaliya in xarakaatka salaadda lala yimaado. Balse, waan in qofka ficilkiisu uu ka turjumaa iimaankiisa – sidaas ayaanay ku rumoobaysaa macnaha “toosinta xiriirka Allah”. Imisaad arkaysaa dad – aad u badan – oo moodaya in salaadda ay la imanayaan ay ka tirtirayso wax kasta oo xumaan ama dhaqan xumo ah oo ay la yimaadaan. Waana mid aanay waxba ka jirin oo qofkaasi waxa looga baahan yahay in uu horta dhiso oo toosiyo xiriir adag oo isaga iyo Allah u dhexeeya, kaas oo ku riixaya ama ku qasbaya in uu ixtiraamo dhamaan abuurka Allah oo idil oo ay dadku ka mid yihiin, oo uu si wanaagsan ula dhaqmo cid kasta, oo aanu cidna khiyaamayn, oo aanu danyarta dulmin isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya itaal darridooda iyo aqoon yaraantooda. Taas oo ah in salaadiisu ka reebto wax kasta oo xun ama aan xushmad lahayn. Hadduu sidaa yeeli waayo wuxuu noqonayaa kuwa uu Allah yiri: (أضاعوا الصلاة و اتبعوا الشهوات فسوف يلقون غيا) “waxa ay lumiyeen ama halleeyeen salaaddii, oo waxay raaceen naftoodu waxay jeclayd, waxaana lagu tuuri doonaa cadaabta aakhiro”.

Gabogabadii, inta qofka muslimka ah qalbigiisa ama dhaqankiisa ay xumaani ku jirto balse aanu dareensanayn, ha noqoto xasad, qabyaalad indho la’, nacayb ama yasid qof kale, been sheegid, iskudir iwm, ha ogaaado qofkaasi in aanu xiriir toos ah la lahayn Allaha uu aaminsanyahay, oo aananay islaamnimdiisaasi waxtar u lahayn illaa inta uu ficilkiisu ka xoroobayo xumaha oo idil oo uu xiriir adag la yeelanayo Allah isaga oo toosinaya salaaddiisa.

 

Wa Billaahi tawfiiq!

Qalinkii:Cumr Xaaji Faarax

Qur’aanku wuxu, bilawga suuradda Al-Baqara, kaga sheekeeyey labo nooc oo ay dadka ka mid ah, isaga oon magacdooda innoo qeexin, balse uu inoo sheegay tilmaamaha lagu kala garto.

Nooca hore, waa kuwa “qeeybka” rumeeyey ee toosiya salaadda ee waxa Allah ku manaystay bixiya: “الدين يؤمنون بالغيب ويقيمون الصلاة و مما رزقناهم ينفقون” . Kuwa kalena, waa kuwo ka soo horjeeda, waxaanu Qu’aanku taxay tilmaamo badan oo ay leeyihiin oo aan wax ka sheegi doono.

Ujeedada qoraalkani ma aha in aan isbarbardhigno labadaa nooc, balse waxaan rabnaa in aan ahmiyadda saarno qodob ama arrin xasaasi ah oo ah in xarakaatka salaadda iyo qaabkeeda oo lala yimaadaa aanay qofka la yimaada dhaxalsiinayn ama u damaanad qaadayn in uu helo raalli-ka-noqoshada iyo jannada Raxmaanka, balse laga yaabaa in ay qofkaas ka dhigto kooxda “loo cadhooday”  المغضوب عليهم. Illaahay baan ka magan-gelnee.

Tilmaamaha ay leeyihiin nooca hore, waxa lagama maarmaan ah in ay rumaysanyihiin “qeeybka”. Maxaa yeelay Allah (SWT) iyo ahaan-shihiisa ayaa ka mid ah arrimaha dadka qeeybka ku ah ee aanu caqligoodu koobi karin ama aannu xaqiiqadooda ogaan karin, waxa kale oo ka mid ah arrimaha la xiriira maalinta qiyamaha, xisaabta, janada, cadaabta, malaa’igta, iwm.

Waxa kale oo tilmaamahooda ka mid ah, in ay “toosiyaan salaadda”. Waana erayadan qodobka u baahan in an is dul taagno. Marka Qu’aanku ka hadlayo salaadda wuxu had iyo jeer uga hadlaa “toosin”. Toosin-na waxa ah marka wax la dhisayo ama la abuurayo oo ku tilmaaman joogtayn waarta oo jiritaankeedu adkaado. Meelna Qur’aanka kagama jirto in Allah uu ka dalbayo kuwa rumeeyey in ay “gutaan” ama la yimaaddaan salaadda; waxase uu mar kasta ku amraa in ay “toosiyaan” salaadda. Taasina waxay, inna tusinaysaa in salaaddu aanay ahayn kaliya xarakaat uu la yimaado qofka muslimka ahi, balse ay salaaddu salka ku hayso fahamka ah in xiriir “la dhiso”. Sidaa darteed, salaadda oo la toosiyaa waxay tahay in xiriir addoonka iyo Illaahay u dhexeeya la abuuro oo la ilaaliyo (ama la xafido). Si kale haddaan u dhigno, aayad kasta oo innaga dalbaysa in aan “toosinno” salaaddu waxay innaga dalbaysaa in aan ku tallaabsanno sidii aynnu u xaqiijin lahayn xiriir waara oo qofka muslimka ah iyo Illaahay u dhexeeya.

Hadaba, maadaama ay bani’aadamka caaddo u tahay in uu si fudud u dhex muquurto arrimaha adduunyada, ayaa Allah inoo qeexay waqtiyo aan la nimaadno xarakaat inna xasuusisa ahmiyada xoojinta xiriirka Allah. Hadafkooduna ay yihiin in aan nafteenna ku abuurno  dareen la taaban karo oo xoojiya fikradda xiriirka iyo la-xiriirka Allah. Hase ahaatee, waxa mar kasta loo baahan yahay in u foojignaano in hadafka asaasiga ee salaaddu aanu ahayn xarkaadka ee ay tahay ilaalinta iyo joogtaynta xiriirka Allah oo ah mid qalbiga ah. Salaadana waxad  si dhab ah u toosin kartaa kaliya marka qalbiga aad ka tukanaysid. Waxa taa daliil u ah qawlka Allah: “(فَإِذَا اطْمَأْنَنتُمْ فَأَقِيمُواْ الصَّلاةَ) “  oo macnahedu tahay “marka qalbigiinu dego, toosiya salaadda.” Taa oo la mid ah, ujeedada salaaddu waa in la dhiso xiriir ka dheexeeya qalbiga qofka mu’minka ah iyo Allah (SWT).

Marka uu Allah leeyahay “(اقم الصلاة ان الصلاة تنهى عن الفحشاء والمنكر)“Salaadda toosi, salaaddu waxay reebtaa xumaha iyo waxa aan fiicnayn”, ma aha hadafku xarakaatka salaadda ee waa xiriirka aan imaan karin qalbiga la’aantii iyo adiga oon qalbigaaga ku dareemin Allah oo kaa reebaya in aad xumaan fasho.

Waxana halkaa ka cad, qof kasta oo aan xumaan ka hadhin in uu yahay qof si xun ugu guul daraystay in uu dhiso xiriir isaga iyo Allah u dhexeeya. Qofkaasina wuxu noqonayaa nooca labaad ee dadka ka mid ah ee uu Allah innooga sheekeeyey. Waxaanan –insha Allah- ku eegi doonaa qaybta labaad ee qoraalkan.

Wa Billaahi tawfiiq!

Qalinkii: Cumar Xaaji Faarax